We would like to welcome the visit of U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice here as another high point in the improving ties between the two countries.
Since the election of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as President in late 2004, the Bush administration has refocused its engagement through a more accommodating outlook toward Indonesia.
In February 2005, the U.S. resumed international military education and training (IMET) collaboration with Indonesia. Three months later during a meeting in Washington, the leaders of the two countries expressed their commitment to resuming military ties. Restrictions on the sale of non-lethal weapons were then relaxed.
Subsequently in November, the Bush administration invoked a special discretionary waiver to override continued restrictions on military sales to Indonesia imposed by the U.S. Congress in the Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations Act of 2006.
For once, Indonesia's sometimes delusional sense of its importance in the world may have merit. This country is receiving extraordinary attention in Secretary Rice's vision of ""Transformational Diplomacy"".
Five new positions have been added to American posts in Indonesia -- second only to China in the number of new positions created in Asia.
An innovative concept under which American diplomats live and work within the community -- American Presence Posts -- is already underway in Medan, North Sumatra, and could well become a model for other parts of Asia.
Though American missions are sometimes the unfortunate targets of radical fringe groups in venting their ire, we believe that the perception of America among most Indonesians has improved. The immediate and total commitment of U.S. tools of war for humanitarian relief work following the tsunami in Aceh did much to win over local naysayers.
We are truly in a heightened era of amity in U.S.-Indonesia relations. An exciting era of cooperation that has the potential to bring the two nations even closer together.
But to credit the Bush and Yudhoyono administrations alone for this development would be a partial assessment. Irrespective of the volatility of official ties, the informal nature of people-to-people relationships has been the backbone by which ties have been maintained through thick and thin.
The large number of Indonesians and Americans with personal, social and institutional ties are the true heroes that have kept the bilateral relationship alive even during the most testing times -- a priceless foundation of friendship that is more valuable and effective than any form of aid, coercion or largesse.
The most endearing quality of any friendship, however, is honesty, and matters that could adversely affect friendship should not be glossed over.
As a convert to the democratic system, Indonesia seeks to improve its bonds with the birthplace of modern democracy. This, however, does not mean that we agree with Washington's unilateralist view of the world.
There remains outstanding disparities in how the American government acts in the global system and Indonesia's belief that all responsible countries in the world should conduct themselves within the confines of international law.
Hence, despite the rejuvenation and deepening of ties between the two capitals, it is our belief that the Yudhoyono administration should remain steadfast in the principles that have characterized Indonesian foreign policy so far.
Unlike its neighbors -- Thailand and the Philippines -- Indonesia refuses to establish treaty alliances with the United States. It should also keep its distance by not going down the Singapore route of providing full access to ports and airfields to the U.S. military. Neither are we the willing deputy of American interests in the way Australia has proclaimed itself to be.
There are certainly many common areas where we can work together -- not least, the fight against terrorism -- and an enduring sense of friendship between the United States and Indonesia. But by no stretch of the imagination should we consider ourselves allies.
This means refusing to accede to arrangements that are questionable in Indonesia's view. These include yielding to the supremacy of American law over international obligations and initiatives such as the Proliferation Security Initiative.
We support the approach of the defense community here, which has continued to look for alternative sources of defense equipment despite the easing of restrictions on defense sales to Indonesia by Washington.
We end in the same way that we began. By welcoming our friend, the Secretary of State. By thanking her for America's generosity in Indonesia's times of crisis. By exchanging views on how to emancipate the world via democratic processes.
And, by being honest about our views and the fact that we cannot condone many of her country's international exploits nor the way in which it is seeking to reshape the world.
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