Wimar Witoelar, Jakarta
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said he was not disappointed by not winning the Nobel Peace Prize. Presidential spokesman Andi Mallarangeng said Yudhoyono had never expected to win and had no part in building the ""massive hype"" surrounding his nomination for the award. That may be going a bit too far. A few weeks ago when he was nominated for the prize, the President was full of anticipation. He even released a three-page statement of thanks for his nomination.
No doubt, all of Indonesia would have been very happy to receive the prize, but it would have been a bit ironic for SBY to be the person receiving it. The Aceh peace process kicked off many years ago with the involvement of many people. In other capacities prior to his presidency, SBY was never on the front line with the peace advocates. In fact, as coordinating minister for political and security affairs in 2000, SBY was somewhere in the center of the spectrum, between the hawks and the doves in the government.
That is not important. People change. But apart from the prestige, the Nobel Peace Prize would have established SBY as a person who receives awards without making decisions. While that is fine for Yudhoyono, it is not good for a country that needs a decisive president.
SBY displays a juxtaposition of leadership qualities. The stronger his mandate, the weaker his leadership style. In the last years of the Soeharto regime, he took a clear stand with the reformers. That position took courage for an active military officer. But as reformers swept him into government, his stance mellowed and he retreated into the comfort zone of technocrat and administrator. During the heady reformist atmosphere of Cabinet meetings under president Wahid, SBY was always the moderating influence, not the pusher for action on crucial issues such as human rights, corruption and violence. And he often reminded colleagues not to be too clear on supporting reform.
Under the presidency of Megawati, he fitted well into the passive style of the government, striking hard only over a personal issue, his perception of being neglected by the president's people in decision processes. His act of courage in opposing this rejection led him to his finest hour, as he announced his candidacy for the presidency. He jumped to front-runner position and won by a landslide. His success was shared by many, as quality reformists jumped on his bandwagon. People waited in anticipation for the Cabinet lineup announcement, which was expected to usher in a new Camelot of Reform.
Instead the Cabinet lineup was an anticlimax, displaying a preference for political opportunists over true talents. He made new friends with special interests that detracted from the reformist theme. The Cabinet formation was the first blow to the credibility of President Yudhoyono, showing lack of decisiveness even in the selection process as he repeatedly bowed to the lobbying force of self-seeking political operators. As an astute observer said, SBY is kinder to his adversaries than he is to his friends. Kindness may hide a softness that has turned out to be the most noticeable quality about SBY's leadership. He is more of a moderator than a decision-maker.
The more stature SBY gains, the less decisions he makes. Like a pro tennis player, he becomes more conservative as he wins more points. The problem is, the points he scores are mainly for himself rather than for the nation.
When SBY won by a landslide, he became more indecisive, consistent only in preserving his image. Never before in world history has anyone won as many votes in a direct presidential election as SBY has. He could do a lot with the legitimacy of power. He could clean up the government and the courts. He could bring big-time corruptors to justice, including Soeharto. He could tone down the noisy antics of fanatics using religious symbols. He could banish corruption in the courts and improve the investment climate. At the very least, he could eliminate business special interests in the Cabinet and the vice presidency.
SBY does not make decisions but the Vice President does. Unfortunately they are not in the best interests of the public. Jusuf Kalla lets business interests overshadow the cries of civil society. That is understandable because his business instincts are strong while he does not understand civil society, except as a source of irritation.
However, history is marked by accidental successes. Former president Habibie's book shows he was successful because he disobeyed Soeharto. Had he carried out Soeharto's wishes, Indonesia would have remained an oppressed nation, made safe for foreign investors by the heavy hand of military power. Habibie's ego took him away from a lifetime of personal subservience to Soeharto. In the end, Habibie will go down in history as the man who liberated political prisoners, set the press free and gave freedom to East Timor.
Amien Rais engineered the presidential election in 1999 and unexpectedly allowed president Wahid, before he was ousted, to show the world the Indonesian brand of pluralism, religious moderation and civilian-led democracy.
The lack of leadership on the part of President Yudhoyono might prove to be a blessing in disguise. We know that the nation's problems are beyond the grasp of any one president. Now we are learning to rely on society's own resources. Democracy has been set up in terms of the institutional framework. Now we are developing self-reliance and becoming less obsessed with the President.
Nice guys finish last, they say. Not so for SBY. He is a decent, intelligent man, and provides a good image internationally. And there is really no one else in our vacuum of leadership. Many would still vote for him in 2009 by default. We just wish his decency were not so blatantly abused by the people taking over his job.
The writer is a political commentator. He can be reached at wimar@intermatrix.co.id.
