Today
Jakarta

The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Tue, 05/22/2007 8:11 AM | Opinion
Many people across the globe believe that dirty money and corruption obstruct democracy. But this is not the case, at least to a certain extent, in Indonesia. Here, dirty money and corruption have helped build democracy.
It is cynical, but who can deny the argument, particularly if the claim of a former minister that he donated illicit money to major political parties and presidential candidates in 2004 can be proven true?
By international standards this story would be scandalous, but for Indonesia corruption has become a ""blessing in disguise"" in practicing democracy.
If this remark is offensive to Indonesia, it is our duty to prove it baseless.
The international community praised Indonesia for its ability to hold fair, just, peaceful and transparent legislative and direct presidential elections in 2004. The success was earned Indonesia the recognition as the world's third largest democracy, after India and the United States.
For the first time since its independence in 1945, Indonesia is led by a directly elected president. The organizer of the elections, the General Elections Commission (KPU), also received international credit for its work.
However, not long after the elections, the Anti-Corruption Court sentenced the chairman of the General Elections Commission, Nazaruddin Sjamsuddin to seven years in prison for receiving kickbacks. Other members, Mulyana W. Kusumah and Daan Dimara, also went to jail for corruption.
Many people believed that the crimes they committed were only a minor side effect of the ""feast of democracy"".
The nation was in such a euphoria of democracy that it excused political parties and presidential candidates from their obligation to submit financial reports, as required by the laws on political parties and on elections.
The corruption did not stop with the poll body. Former maritime and fisheries minister Rokhmin Dahuri, testifying in his graft trial, gave the Anti-Corruption Court a long list of top politicians and political parties that he said illegally received money from him.
According to Rokhmin, every pair of candidates in the 2004 presidential elections received off-budget funds he took from his ministry. This includes President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Megawati Soekarnoputri, Gen. (ret) Wiranto and Amien Rais.
If Rokhmin's deposition is trustworthy, then those candidates should have been disqualified for violating the law on presidential elections.
Major political parties like Golkar, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and even the Prosperous Justice Party, known for its anti-graft and anti-vice campaigns, were also named by Rokhmin as receiving money. If Rokhmin's claims are proven, executives of the parties could be jailed and the parties fined.
Only Amien has acknowledged accepting money from Rokhmin, Rp 200 million, according to the former head of the National Mandate Party.
Others have bluntly denied the claims, including presidential spokesman Andi Mallarangeng and Golkar deputy chairman Agung Laksono. But they have stopped short of announcing plans to sue Rokhmin for what they believe are ""false accusations"".
It is an insult to us when these top politicians named by Rokhmin are apparently not even offended by his allegations. If they believe they are innocent, they should sue Rokhmin for defamation.
But we must be very careful with Rokhmin's claims, and maintain the principle of presumption of innocence. Therefore a transparent and thorough investigation is needed.
Who will start it? The judges hearing Rokhmin's graft case can order prosecutors to pursue the defendant's claims. The Corruption Eradication Commission, Attorney General's Office and the National Police can all launch an investigation.
But the question is: Are they willing and do they have enough power to make a credible investigation?
To be frank, very few Indonesians believe the truth of Rokhmin's story will be thoroughly and honestly pursued. Let us hope they are wrong.
President Yudhoyono needs to take this challenge to prove his commitment to his war on corruption by pushing for an investigation into the campaign funding scam. In the end he has to prove that Rokhmin is wrong.