Was Soeharto the equal of Sukarno?

The Jakarta Post ,  Jakarta   |  Sun, 08/12/2007 1:05 PM  |  Life

Ali Usman, Contributor, Yogyakarta

Former president Soeharto is a prominent figure in Indonesian history and society.

He is an ideal subject for investigation, and a constant topic of conversation. That is not just because he was the number-one man in this country for so long.

He also attracted attention through his dirty politics that involved so many upper-class members of society; his personal behavior made him a taboo topic, beyond the reach of many people who wanted to write about him.

Soeharto was born in Kemusuk Godean, Yogyakarta, on June 8, 1921. Many thought he was tetesan dewa, meaning he had regal blood in his veins. But he was created by God as a farmer's son who lived in the palace environment though fate destined him to become the Republic's second president, a position he held for 32 years.

It is difficult to approach Soeharto's life through a logical account alone. Soeharto is probably the only world leader who successfully led his nation for a very long period. There is no state leader who equals Pak Harto's glory, both good and bad, during the time he led the nation.

That is why so many researchers from here and overseas keep writing about Soeharto, producing biographies and accounts of his political activities.

These include The Healthy Soeharto (2006) and Soeharto from the dark side of Indonesian History (2004) by Asvi Warman Adam, The fall of Soeharto and Transition to Indonesian Democracy (2006) by Denny JA and The longest days approaching President Soeharto's step-down (2005) by James Luhulima.

Also notable are Soeharto, A Political Biography (2001) by Robert Edwards Elson, Soeharto and His Generals, Indonesian Military Politics (1984) by David Jenkins, Post-Soeharto Indonesia, Renewal or Chaos (1999) by Geoff Forrester, and others.

So how does this latest book, Soeharto: The Life And Legacy Of Indonesia's Second President compare? It is different from most books about Pak Harto that have been published, as noted above.

This is an original, a genuine biography and political analysis of Pak Harto. It is a balanced book, showing him as one of the most influential leaders in Asia.

At first glance this impressive biography appears little different from many other books about Soeharto. But when read and considered carefully, the book reveals the author's sharp analysis.

Controversial foundations

There are many ways to present a topic and it is difficult to find a new approach to a subject that has already been handled by so many foreign and Indonesian writers. How do the contents of this book differ?

The book has been written in English, which makes it internationally accessible. This is the first biography of Pak Harto in a foreign language written by an Indonesian author.

As Retnowati explains in her foreword, she wrote the book in English so that people around the world would better understand Indonesian history. For a long time she had only seen books about Indonesia that just talked about the country.

Another attraction for the reader is that the author has compiled a table of contents for every chapter.

The first chapter consists of Soeharto's dreams in his home town (Distant Dreams in Kemusuk). Retnowati writes that Soeharto's father Kertosudiro spent his free time gambling and smoking and needed a lot of money to support these habits.

Soon Sukirah (Soeharto's mother) was forced to sell her jewelry. Mentioning this during Soeharto's New Order Government era would have been taboo.

The second chapter recounts Soeharto's military career. The third describes Soeharto's experience leading Indonesia when he became president. Up to this point there is nothing that can be considered new, except in the first chapter.

The fourth chapter describes the seven foundations set up by Soeharto. Later these become a legal problem when Soeharto was no longer president.

Retnowati says we should have been wiser in questioning the reasons behind the creation of the foundations and their purpose.

She has recorded the sums provided by the foundations that have benefited the public. The Trikora Foundation, for example, was started on May 2, 1963.

At the beginning this foundation provided only support and scholarships to widows and orphans from the Trikora Operation. (Tri Komando Rakyat was the strategy to mobilize the nation and wrest West New Guinea from the Dutch.)

Today, scholarships are given to orphans and victims in Aceh, Papua, Ambon and Poso. ""It is worthy (to) note that these clashes took place in 2003, five years after President Soeharto was out of power,"" writes Retno.

She has also recorded data related to the Supersemar Foundation. In 1975 it awarded 3,135 scholarships to Indonesian university students. By 2006, the number of students who received scholarships had reached 427,789.

Many university students studying for their masters and doctorates, and hundreds of senior high school students, sportspeople and abandoned children have benefited. The total funds that have been spent by this foundation exceed Rp 455 billion (US$50 million).

In this chapter Retno is brave enough to list the names of those who were linked to the economic issues that later created so many financial problems for the state.

Among them is Yusril Ihza Mahendra who betrayed his former boss to get public sympathy after the 1984 Tanjung Priok Tragedy when there was a clash between Muslim demonstrators and security forces that left dozens dead (page 22). The author reminds us that Yusril is still an important government figure.

Similarities between two presidents

The fifth chapter is sensational and interesting. Here, Retno compares Soeharto and Sukarno.

According to the author, Soeharto, like Sukarno, possessed many special and mystical Javanese qualities that made them both special people. Of course this is a thesis that has to be tackled responsibly.

From her research into the two figures Retno concludes that the two leaders are parallel. Both wanted to take Indonesia into an era of glory because they were aware of the nation's potential.

During their periods in office both Soeharto and Sukarno brought Indonesia into times of glory when they were worshiped as Javanese kings, and privileged to command for long periods. But the careers of both ended in tragedy, Retno says, because they trusted others too much.

Retno judges that Soeharto's major error was to give too many opportunities to elite businesspeople whose integrity was in doubt. Soeharto also gave too many privileges to his children.

Sukarno's policies tended to be linked to the policies of the Indonesian communist party, so when the party was broken up Sukarno's foundations were shaken.

Another similarity in the lives and careers of both former presidents is that they shared the same future dreams -- namely how to improve the welfare of all Indonesians.

Sukarno's was to liberate the people from colonialism. Soeharto had a simpler ideal -- to meet the clothing, food and shelter needs of the people. There are many other examples that compare the two men in this book.

From that, it is not surprising that veteran journalist, author and former politician Rosihan Anwar said: ""Sukarno was a great nation builder, and Soeharto was a great national builder.""

We should not be surprised that Retnowati is so knowledgeable; she has good reason. She is the daughter of former diplomat, foreign minister and ambassador to the United Nations Roeslan Abdulgani, a member of the '45 generation who was close to both Sukarno and Soeharto.

From 1985 onward Retnowati often accompanied her father when he went to Soeharto's house. Later, she was able to write this biography about the former leader from a closer perspective than enjoyed by others.

This makes her book wiser and different from other Soeharto biographies and gives it a distinct advantage.

The author is a historian and principal researcher, Civil Society Institute, Yogyakarta

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