CTF's historic report: First step toward redemption

Ati Nurbaiti ,  Jakarta   |  Fri, 07/18/2008 11:17 AM  |  Opinion

There is an underlying appeal that runs throughout the long-awaited report from the Joint Commission for Truth and Friendship (CTF), set up by Indonesia and Timor Leste.

Embroiled in controversy since its founding in 2005, the commission seems to say in its report: "Bear with us and read carefully. If you consider and try to implement our recommendations, all sides will eventually achieve justice, restored dignity and an end to a culture of violence and impunity."

For those who sympathize with the victims of violence in former East Timor, the initial reaction is to chuck the report out the window. As expected, the report has been criticized because it does not recommend prosecution, even though it claims Indonesian Military (TNI) commanders actually helped supply and distribute weapons to militias that supported integration with Indonesia, knowing full well what these weapons were for.

If these commanders did, in fact, bring such shame upon Indonesia, why not drag them to court and have our good name restored once and for all?

Instead, the commission stresses various avenues to "restorative justice", arguing this is the best way to heal the wounds of violent conflict. The commissioners cite studies from other countries where prosecution of human rights violations did not necessarily guarantee justice for victims.

The commission spent some two years collecting evidence, in near constant debate among its members -- including the Timorese who see themselves as the formerly "occupied", and those whom they would call former "occupiers", but who would vehemently refuse to be labeled as such.

The report is the result of political compromise. Could one realistically expect it to be entirely objective? Objective according to whom? Whether Indonesia occupied East Timor or not is not even explicitly explained, as the issue is conveniently beyond the commission's mandate.

The CTF was a highly pragmatic concept, encouraged by Timor Leste's elite, who knew they would long depend on other nations, particularly their biggest neighbor.

However, instead of throwing away the commission's work, it would be better if everyone studied the report's contents and began working on its recommendations.

After all, it's a start.

At the official handover of the report in Nusa Dua, Bali, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono went so far as to express "deep remorse" over the violence that occurred before and after the 1999 referendum leading to East Timor's independence.

The government has yet to extend an apology, as the commission recommended.

In accepting the report, Indonesia effectively acknowledged the commission's findings, including that gross human rights violations did occur and yes, the government and its state institutions, such as the Indonesian Military, were responsible.

When have we heard that before?

In 1999, then TNI commander Gen. Wiranto apologized for abuses committed in Aceh province during a counterinsurgency operation. But no one asked what such an apology entails -- considering that it came 10 years after the fact and that military operations resumed a few years later.

This week, after some 25 years of waiting, Indonesia's national human rights body could only begin to reveal the nature of its investigations into the extrajudicial killing of supposedly hardened criminals during Soeharto's regime -- never mind the scores of political dissenters and those misidentified found dead in the gutters.

Many Indonesians bristled upon learning of the commission's report.

What? We were responsible? We have to apologize? For what?!

For trying to secure a referendum for the ungrateful Timorese? For losing part of the unitary republic of Indonesia -- part of our sacred heritage -- to them? For earning a bad name for ourselves internationally?

What we don't hear is a sigh of relief, even a slight one.

Could this, the first ever acknowledgment of the Indonesian state's responsibility in destroying and murdering, etc., eventually lead to others?

In our lifetime, could the Indonesian state possibly admit responsibility for kidnapping, torturing and killing citizens?

Or for turning a blind eye to riots and rape, citing "a transitional period" and "a weak civilian government" (as the CTF report says)?

For missing children and spouses, still awaited by parents and wives?

For continued impunity that enabled the assassination of activist Munir?

Two things have emerged from the historic CTF report. The first, obviously, is an attempt to heal the victims' wounds and "to improve already good bilateral ties" between the two highly pragmatic governments.

The second, however, is a window into the entire experience of the New Order, which involved harsh measures enacted by the military and other state institutions against the entire civilian populace, not just the East Timorese.

Sure, not all of us suffered -- just a select few million, those stubborn and stupid enough to resist and defy the benevolent authoritarian regime, which received nothing but praise from the international community.

In East Timor's case, of course, some got the carrot, but a whole lot more got the stick.

So, while the national rights body is being closely watched by the fuming military to see what gets uncovered next, we can focus on what the CTF has come up with. The first step in our history lesson regarding the present Timor Leste: the commission's recommendations for an official apology, as well as reforms aimed at ending the "culture of violence" and engendering a "culture of accountability".

Doesn't that sound wonderful? Wouldn't these things make us proud to be Indonesian?

Among other gains, we would have a professional military and police force whose job would be protecting our fellow citizens, instead of using them for target practice or the source of projects to fatten budgets.

The report is the latest, best thing we have to start with, aside from attempts at reform that keep getting quashed by vested interests.

So, following up on the report is not merely a way to patch things up with Timor Leste.

It's also a chance to save ourselves.

Our children will take state accountability for granted, as their constitutional right.

And our grandchildren will only hear from history lessons of an unchecked regime that gave away so much power to the military and police that, even when it wanted to, it could nothing to stop their wanton, evil show of force.

The author is a staff writer at The Jakarta Post.

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