The Jakarta Post - WEEKENDER | Sat, 08/23/2008 4:06 PM | Life
Members
of
I
don't know the name of this baby. Maybe the parents don't know yet either. But
this is his, or her, very first document, officially recording that this new human
exists, even if the parents may be stateless.
The infant was born in early May at the clinic in Mae Tao, a town in
Safety is crucial here. When you've made a lengthy journey to the clinic with a
gaping wound to your foot or a baby on the way, the last thing you need is
getting caught without documents at the checkpoints and sent back, maybe right
to jail.
Many foreign medics volunteer at the famed clinic of Dr. Cynthia Maung,
recipient of the Philippine government’s Magsaysay Award for humanitarian work.
They treat a wide range of ailments, from those caused by lack of sanitation to
wounds from the land mines placed in forests. But most of the victims are
simple peasants looking for food after being driven off their land by military
troops, people here say.
Tha
Yote is the proud father of another infant, still unnamed, his second
born. The family will be back for the baby's vaccinations – and hopefully he will
live well beyond infancy, even if the latest national figures show one in 105 Myanmarese
infants die before their fifth birthday. With 40 U.S. cents per person allotted
for health care by the
Sani,
25, lies in another ward, weakened by HIV but still fortunate to be able to
cross into the clinic. He said he would not have had the chance back home.
Our two guides around Mae Sot are the "
"I'm hunted down for the crime of being human," says one man in a
Thai NGO-produced documentary on human rights and the migrants.
The long list of minorities – the non-Burmese who make up 40 percent of the
population of 52 million – mostly have their own armies, and villagers have
been caught in the middle for almost the entire period of
So, both villagers and individual rebels keep on running and moving. Though they
live always on the lookout, the dissidents will tell you they have no regrets.
"I had to do it," is the common response when asked why they joined
street rallies despite the clear threat of jail and torture.
Janita, a monk, says studying for his degree in English was meaningless compared
to what people were subjected to, the last straw being the beating of fellow
monks during the uprising of September and October last year. Anyway, a degree
from
Once
you do get involved, then it's a constant life on the run. The monks in a safe house
here say the main thing on their minds is when and where to move.
These are fugitives from the "saffron revolution", though it seems
not all have romantic illusions about the event. "I was just helping
somebody who fell, he was beaten by the military" during a protest, one of
them says.
Were their actions for nothing? Supreme leader Gen. Than Shwe still thinks he
is a heaven-appointed king.
"He
can say anything he wants," says Janita. "But then people question
the quality of that king."
Elsewhere, monks gather at a monastery at the foot of a mountain wall -- home
is just on the other side in a picturesque hamlet.
But one cannot just go hiking up to meet family. Maybe in 10 or 20 years,
or sooner if there's regime change -- maybe not in their lifetime.
The hamlet is the largest refugee camp outside Mae Sot, where thousands of
families have lived in their "temporary” shelter for 20 years.
On the surface it's a happy scene. Neighbors working together, building a house
with bamboo poles. Teachers having a hard time with rowdy classes; women busy
at their looms with bright red, blue and indigo threads. A packed,
bustling teashop with many Indian faces, traces of the minority
Indians that earlier military ruler Gen. Ne Win wanted to get rid of (the story
goes that he lost a business deal to a Burmese Indian).
But
the listlessness in some of the men's stares is disturbing. A few are
introduced to us as former militia members of the Karen, the dominant group
here. These are the people of the famed "God's army", a label many
here cringe at. That was reportedly a splinter group led by teenage twins, who
gave the Karen a bad name when they held hostages in a
In late May, a revered figure of the Karen, Saw Ba Thin Sein, died, never realizing
his dream of seeing all Karen unite. The existence of a splinter militia, the
Democratic Buddhist Karen Army, whether government-sponsored or not, has
exposed the hazardous possibilities of the regime splitting loyalties along
ethnic and religious lines.
In this refugee camp, called Mae La, a community leader, Thi La, says with
conviction that all ethnic minorities are united. Though they may have problems
here and there, he said, all that is needed is a real leader.
Invisible boundaries are the cause of many an idle figure here. Refugees are
not legally allowed to work; they're a "wasted resource", one activist
says, becoming dangerously dependent on aid. One could easily slip through a
barbed wire, but there are the checkpoints.
And so the camp becomes a stopping point for those waiting for news of
their applications to resettle in
Those who slip out of
Back
in Mae Sot, the visitor doesn't know who is Thai, who's from
Hotels can't afford to risk hiring illegal workers, I am told when I ask about
the cook in her lovely “longyi”, the Burmese sarong. Then what about migrants
in the alleys and the gem market in the little town, reportedly the transit
area for some of the smuggling business, profiting both
Every once in a while the problem grabs the
world’s attention -- dozens of migrants found suffocated in a sealed truck,
striving to pay their way to a better future outside
And why would anyone else want to be prim about human rights under the junta?
It's the "resource curse", researchers say: when a country is rich
with resources, it can do anything it likes.
In Mae Sot, the flower sellers are still at work.
Those like the flower sellers, who have a job and some security, however little,
have found a home, for now.