The just-concluded Golkar Party national congress is a part of the circle of life that Jusuf Kalla cannot resist. Five years ago in Bali, Kalla held his head high as he arrived at the party's congress, knowing that victory was within sight. He appeared more like a Julius Caesar of modern times who turned his words vini vidi vici into reality as he took over Golkar's helm from then-embattled chairman Akbar Tandjung.
The wheel of fortune forced Kalla to play Akbar's role in the Golkar congress this week. Reeling from double legislative and presidential election defeats, Kalla escaped a vote of no confidence from Golkar electorates, but he and everybody alike knew he could no longer cling on to power. Kalla persuaded the Golkar elite to step back from the government, which was simply unimaginable and difficult to accept by the power-hungry party executives, as evident in the landslide win of Aburizal Bakrie in the election for party chairmanship.
Aburizal secured 296 votes which were more than enough to beat Surya Paloh in a four-way tie election that eventually turned into a two-horse race. Regardless of allegations that money talked in the congress, Aburizal's win was much anticipated.
Golkar is identical to a pro-government force as it was founded and grew up to preserve those in power. Indonesian presidents have changed four times since Golkar's paramount leader Soeharto stepped down in 1998, but Golkar has always been part of the government.
The post-New Order era has witnessed Golkar's pragmatism helping it survive, although it may also have led the party to blunder. In the 2004 presidential election run-off, for example, Golkar opted to support the incumbent, only to concede a crushing defeat.
Kalla's successful bid for Golkar's top job just after his election as the vice president years ago was guided by the same pragmatic philosophy. Golkar under Kalla quit the fragile coalition that helped it secure the House of Representatives speaker post and shifted allegiance to the government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
It was a personal feud and pride that finally parted Kalla from Yudhoyono in the 2009 presidential election. A close friend of Kalla said the Golkar chairman insisted on running for the presidency for the sake of party unity although he knew he would lose.
Kalla said his decision to challenge Yudhoyono would serve as "a lesson in democracy" he wanted to pass on to the people in a young democracy like Indonesia. While only time will tell whether Kalla's move will contribute to democracy in the country, his gamble marked the start of the countdown for the end of his political career.
Politics shows its ugly truth, that there is no permanent foe or friend but only interests. Those who pushed Kalla to seize Golkar's chief post now spearheaded his ousting. Pragmatism was undoubtedly also the motive behind Golkar's choice of Aburizal for the party chairman for the next five years.
Aburizal's camp represents a Golkar faction that will definitely throw its weight behind the second administration of Yudhoyono, whose Democratic Party won the most votes in the legislative elections.
Democratic Party executive Anas Urbaningrum calls Golkar's new posture under Aburizal as "friendlier" to the upcoming government. Golkar will expand the Democratic Party-led coalition into an effective political support for the government's policies in the House, which may rival that of the New Order era.
So friendly is Golkar now to Yudhoyono that shortly after his election as chairman Aburizal said he would pay a courtesy visit to the President. Perhaps it can be seen as just a political nicety, but many would speculate it is a gesture of submission. It is most unlikely for Golkar to play an effective check-and-balance role against the Yudhoyono administration, despite Aburizal's pledge to remain critical of the government.
So, who's the real winner - or who has the last laugh, to say the least - in the election for the Golkar chairmanship? Aburizal's victory comes just two weeks before Yudhoyono and vice president-elect Boediono take office. The Golkar congress had originally been scheduled for November but was moved forward, reportedly due to the important state agenda.
The election of businessman-cum-politician Aburizal is, of course, a relief to Yudhoyono as he can make sure everything is under control when he begins his second five-year term on Oct. 20. There will be no prolonged political stalemate at the House, which marked Yudhoyono's first six months in office five years ago.
The Democratic Party's catapult to the top of national politics is evidence of Yudhoyono's astute political skill and his reelection just a logical consequence of it.
But the fact the race for Golkar's chief post went in favor of Yudhoyono shows the retired Army general wields the power that the country's past leaders possessed to rule for decades.
Golkar's support provides Yudhoyono a more than favorable political landscape than meets his dream of running an effective and stable government, which eluded him in his first five-year term. With the House speaker basically his loyalist and 70 percent of lawmakers ready to rubber-stamp his government's policies, it will come as no surprise if Yudhoyono will determine the course of Indonesian politics even if he is no longer president in 2014. For Aburizal, however, the next five years will see if the history of his predecessors repeats itself as the circle of life does.
- Dwi Atmanta
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