President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono defeated his rivals easily in the August 2009 presidential elections and his Democratic Party (PD) won the April 2009 legislative elections because Indonesians believed he was the only candidate with the capacity and willingness to fight Indonesia’s most acute disease: corruption.
During Yudhoyono’s first five-year term, Indonesians and the world were impressed by the government’s achievements in its war on corruption. From 2004 to 2009 many experts agreed that the government had made significant progress, by bringing corrupt people to justice, thanks to Yudhoyono — a retired four-star general who seemed determined to defeat this powerful enemy for good.
But since these two election victories what has happened? Many believe Yudhoyono has taken a step backwards somewhere to the rear of the fight against corruption. For the many corrupt people out there this must be a relief, especially for criminals who have looted massive amounts of state money.
Yudhoyono would understandably feel irritated by the growing criticism of his weak leadership. But does the President realize he only has himself to blame for being unable to assert his power over the Attorney General’s Office (AGO) and the National Police. Yudhoyono has allowed Attorney General Hendarman Supandji and National Police chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri to do whatever they like, even though they have both been publicly blamed for rampant corruption in the two state agencies whose main duties are to uphold justice and ensure that corrupt people do not go unpunished.
And with continual media reports on the effective weakening of the once-powerful Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in its capacity to curb corruption by state officials including police generals and senior state prosecutors, and reports on the pardoning of and granting of remissions to corruption convicts, a serious question emerges: Has Indonesia’s commitment to corruption eradication reached its lowest ebb?
The presidential pardon of corruption convict Syaukani Hasan Rais, the former regent of Kutai Kartanegara in East Kalimantan, for “humanitarian reasons”, and the granting of remissions to former Bank Indonesia deputy governor Aulia Pohan have sparked public outcries.
Aulia is the father-in-law of Yudhoyono’s eldest son. He was imprisoned for his involvement in the illegal disbursement of Rp 100 billion (US$11 million) from the central bank foundation, which was allegedly used to bribe lawmakers.
While we criticize Yudhoyono for doing Aulia a favor, we also condemn members of the House of Representatives for having no shame to deplore the President’s decision on Aulia, while pretending to forget that many legislators or former legislators alleged to have received the bribes have remained untouched.
The old Indonesian credo that corruption will always be a lucrative business, especially for big-time crooks, will remain relevant as long as corrupt people continue to steal huge amounts — and get away with it. They can use this money to hire top attorneys and bribe police, prosecutors, judges and other law enforcement officials. With this money they can buy shorter jail sentences, and still have plenty left to continue living in luxury.
Does the President understand how frustrated the public is that the leader they elected is clearly powerless against his own subordinates? The public cannot be blamed for saying he has been too lenient against corruption.
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