Bring the ulema back in

Abu Bakar Ba’asyir was found guilty and sentenced to 15 years in jail. People may feel relieved for a moment, as the convicted mastermind of a number of terrorist attacks would spend the rest of his life behind bars, but the question is whether this marks a new era without terrorism in the country. Absolutely not. As long as the roots of the problem remain visible, terrorism will never disappear.

This article seeks to demonstrate that in the modern periods the authorities of ulema (religious scholars) have declined. Thanks to the advancement of technology, today one does not have to go to ulema to learn about Islam. The fragmentation of authority changed religious landscapes. Over recent decades, ulema have lost their grip on believers. This is aggravated by the fact that the state has taken over their privileges and tasks.

The formalization of religious courts and the employment of religious officials brought about a deep rift between ulema and the state. It might not be surprising that ulemas were among the first groups who opposed the modern state formation. In the mid-19th century, as the Ottoman rulers launched the Tanzimat (reorganization) project, many ulema opposed it and rebelled against the state.

The rebellion was clearly sparked because the Tanzimat would reduce ulema’s privileges such as organizing almsgiving and religious endowments, which became the main sources of income. In Muslim history, ulemas were comprised of mullahs — the learned men who dedicated their lives to teaching and educating young Muslims. In return, Muslims gave them donations. But in modern times, the state took over these tasks.

Indonesia is no exception. The government has taken over the privileges of ulema. To collect alms, for instance, the state forms national and provincial commissions. I recall one time when Idul Fitri was approaching, I brought a sack of three-and-a-half liters of rice to give to my Koran teacher. A wealthy family would donate sarongs, caps, sandals, shirts and food to the informal leaders. But since BAZNAS (the National Commission of Almsgiving) and BAZDA (the Regional Commission of Almsgiving) were founded, the alms have been distributed by local
officials.

The state also took over ulema authority to marry Muslim couples. This began in the colonial era. When the Dutch administration created the religious courts, there was opposition from ulema. It was about authority and power. How much does marriage cost now? It is not too expensive.

But we know that the officials who perform marriages get money, with the amount depending on where you live. If you live in an exclusive neighborhood, you pay them more. In Ciputat, South Tangerang, where I live, for one marriage an official would get as much as Rp 800,000 (US$93.14). In peak season, an official would perform three or four marriages during the weekend, which means that this job is quite well paid!

Last but not least, it is ulema who teach people how to perform the haj. But again, when they go to Mecca, state and state officials win. The distribution of knowledge does not correspond to the distribution of wealth, which causes the conflict. In short, ulema’s roles in modern states have been systematically destroyed and the modern states have shown no mercy to the inheritors of the Prophet.

Abu Bakar Ba’asyir is a typical religious scholar who spends most of his time teaching. He came to one mosque after another to teach young Muslims to read the Koran and to perform ablution and prayer. He did not have extra time for another profession that would generate reliable income for his family. His basic needs were very much supported by the donations of his pupils and Muslim people in general. There are hundreds of thousands of mullahs living in the country in the Ba’asyir model. Imagine if a tiny percentage of them succumbed to anti-state ideology!

It is important to say that ulemas work very informally. In the previous times, this informality accelerated the process of Islamization, as each individual had the same obligation to advocate it. But it becomes a big problem in modern times, as ulemas tend to compete with the state — especially when the former have conservative interpretations of
Islam. This is the reason why democratization in many Muslim countries is so poor.

Ulema-state relations will not be resolved until the former regain the privileges they had before. The fact that mullahs are informal leaders indicates that they still play a significant role within Muslim communities. De-radicalization should begin with the division of labor between ulema and the state. It is ulema that has the authority to marry, the state to make legislation; ulema to collect alms and religious donations, state to taxation. If these boundaries are agreed upon and win-win solutions are reachable, ulema could contribute to modern state formation.

The writer is a PhD student at Boston University.