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oday, the world, including workers in the nation's major cities and industrial centers, are commemorating May Day. Jakarta's residents are bracing themselves and hoping that the congestion will not be too bad; although memories of previous May Day rallies blocking toll-road entrances remain fresh.

Union leaders have warned of '1 million' protesters on Jakarta's streets alone on Wednesday, if the government shows no sign of granting the unions' wishes ' such as ending the cheap labor policy and abusive outsourcing practices, and canceling any plan to raise fuel prices.

Employers have said such demands are unrealistic, arguing that the government will continue the subsidies for low-income people once the price of gasoline is increased. But workers say only scrapping the fuel-price hike will enable them to avoid the usual skyrocketing commodity prices that accompany every price increase of vital goods.

Despite the arduous process of seeking common ground between workers and employers, it is clear that the nation's estimated 120 million workers need a clear voice to represent their demands to employers. Recently the Indonesian Employers Association (Apindo) met with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, requesting among other things that the government verifies the labor unions so they would have a clearer understanding of who they should be talking to. True, the post-Soeharto years have seen a mushrooming of unions to the point where it can be confusing even for the workers themselves; workers can ' at least in theory ' choose a union in a specific sector, such as the metal workers' or bus drivers' unions, or one affiliated to their personal political party or religion. Other union members, however, have been labelled preman or hoodlums.

Whoever leads the unions, employers have reiterated their concerns about the lack of legal certainty; indeed, a number of mayors and regents have backed down and changed local ordinances on the regional minimum wage increases, a measure that is feared will set a precedent for future wage decisions.

For their part, workers do not see any relevance in verifying unions with their demands, maintaining that the demands will remain the same even if the hoodlums are identified and separated from the legitimate workers. Strikes, they say, are a last resort, with talks having almost collapsed regarding a remuneration system that they regard as fairer compared to the current 'cheap labor' policy, and other demands.

Beyond the detested traffic congestion, people rarely get a close look at the lives of the country's workers. What they mostly see is the vibrant 'informal sector', whose workers and owners are engaged in a wide range of economic activities throughout the day and night. However, people do not witness the daily toil of workers behind factory doors ' whose complaints are only rarely expressed if they can participate in protest rallies.

The problem is that despite the rowdy and occasionally intimidating unions, workers have little bargaining power precisely because of the informal sector, which is estimated to make up two-thirds of the workforce and whose workers are labelled 'underemployed' because of the low income they earn despite their long working hours.

Workers' unions have seen the result of their clout, with so many mayors and regents changing agreements reached with employers over the annual minimum wage. However, this affects only those few million workers in the formal sector, raising questions as to the effectiveness of the unions.

Their strategy must take into account the majority of Indonesian workers who do not expect any part of the labor policy to benefit them.

If the rallies do prove to be a headache for many of us, it would at least be worthwhile to know they were held for the sake of the majority of Indonesian workers. Otherwise, the unions will urgently need to revamp their strategy or risk becoming merely loud, but not all that relevant.