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View all search resultsFor the preceding three decades it was almost unthinkable
or the preceding three decades it was almost unthinkable. For the proceeding decade-and-a-half after, it has become almost a forgotten afterthought if not for documentaries and commentaries in the media.
The resignation of president Soeharto is arguably a day that changed Indonesian history. That fateful Thursday 15 years ago signaled the end of the New Order, and an historical marker to redefine a new liberal democratic nation.
We, whose lives were determined by the politics of the era, find it difficult to edify to our children the tribulations of life under a totalitarian regime ' the fear to freely opine, the distress of dogma and the impunity of power. It was a world unlike what our children could possibly imagine. Father than Mars, beyond their even most surreal imagination.
We are glad that such a world now only exists in the anecdotes of old men and the embellished tales of self proclaimed heroes of reformasi.
For those learning about the past from history books, the events surrounding May 21, 1998, were about riots, societies in discontent, students on the streets and cities set ablaze. But those who survived understand that it was more than just about Soeharto.
One of the leading leaders of reformasi, Amien Rais, was both right and incorrect when he said at the time: 'Soeharto is the problem. By getting rid of him, I think the nation [...] will feel gratified, satisfied and happy. From then on, we can talk about economic reforms, political reforms'.
Yes, Soeharto was a problem, but perhaps he was not the problem.
All the nation's ills cannot be blamed on one figure alone, no matter how omnipotent he seemed.
It is time to concede that Soeharto reigned so mightily for so long because we who could make a difference were largely co-opted. Lulled by the decadence of stability and the enchantment of commodity-driven growth.
Many benefitted, many more profited with the New Order as the rest of the nation thirsted on the 'trickle down' paradigm of economic doles and procedural democracy.
But now is not a time for confession. The New Order's follies are academic. The most important question is:
How have we engaged the new freedoms since then?
The answer is definitely not enough.
For every positive endeavor, there is a supplementary list of disappointments and missed opportunities. Each marginal success, juxtaposed with a swath of deep concern and fear.
There are two key themes that we must focus.
The first is how to keep hope alive. In the face of a sometimes failing state apparatus, today's next generation can still look ahead with hope.
If we can fan the flames of hope, then anything is possible.
The second is the sense of community and unity. A sense of social responsibility that can drive the ghosts of apathy away.
So please tell your children the stories of years gone past and remind them that hope is alive in them. Despite our mistakes, the spirit of reformasi is alive and well within them even though they perhaps just don't know it yet.
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