S

ince its foundation as a modern state in the 1940s, Indonesia has been plagued by a series of conflicts that have threatened the dream of a united republic, inflicted human rights violations and poisoned perceptions of the country, not least in Australia.

In recent years, these have included independence movements in East Timor, Aceh and Papua, as well as violent communal unrest in central Sulawesi.

Papua is the last of these major conflicts to be tackled. Though they involved the spilling of much blood and many secondary issues remain, other issues have been resolved with varying degrees of success. It is only Papua, perhaps the most complex and intractable of them all, that remains.

Attempts at a settlement by previous post-Soeharto presidents, particularly Abdurrahman '€œGus Dur'€ Wahid and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, have failed.

It is now the turn of Indonesia'€™s incoming president, Joko '€œJokowi'€ Widodo, to address the issue. Jokowi is well positioned to act. He is expected to focus more on getting Indonesia'€™s house in order than on world affairs and he has already clearly indicated that this agenda includes Papua.

Papua was the first place he visited at the start of his election campaign, where he underlined a personal connection by taking his wife Iriana with him. Her grandfather taught there and she is named after Indonesia'€™s original name for the region.

He acknowledges the need to address Papua'€™s serious development deficit, including the cost-of-living disparity between eastern and western Indonesia, and has committed to lifting the standards of education, health and public service that are his trademark concerns and are central to the interests of the poor in Papua.  

Jokowi comes to the issue fresh and free of political baggage. He is not part of the old regime that has caused such grief to Papuans over the last 50 years.

He has turned dialogue, a modus operandi also advocated by Papuans, into an effective art form. In one of his presidential debates with Prabowo Subianto, an ex-Army'€™s Special Forces (Kopassus) commander, he pointedly highlighted his preference for dialogue over military solutions. Papuans seem to like what'€™s on offer.

Roughly 70 percent of voters across the region'€™s two provinces opted for Jokowi over Prabowo. Experts predict that Jokowi'€™s vice president, Jusuf Kalla, who is credited with helping settle the conflicts in Aceh and Poso referred to above, is also keen to try his hand in Papua.

The old guard can be expected to resist Jokowi on Papua, including his belief that foreign media and human rights organizations should be allowed to visit the region.

But he will enjoy the support of many Indonesians who share his concern for Papua.

The issue is no longer off-limits in Indonesia. Indonesians are aware of the many challenges to be addressed.

Regularly reported in the mainstream media, these include clashes between the Indonesian Military (TNI) and the Free Papua Movement (OPM), human rights, HIV/AIDS, domestic violence, ethnic tensions and the Grasberg gold mine.

Communications, including social media, tourism and travel in and out of the region are routine and non-Papuan civil society is better educated today about the history of Indonesia'€™s annexation, the dubious legal basis of that claim and related Papuan grievances such as fears of being marginalized in their own land.

Settlement of the Papua issue can only come from Indonesia and the Jokowi presidency offers the best prospects for this in half a century. Creating the conditions in which inclusive dialogue based on mutual respect can occur will tax the political imagination and creativity of all involved.

The trust and goodwill that Jokowi enjoys, including in Papua, make for an excellent start to this important enterprise.

Bang Oke
Papua