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A new chapter for Indonesia-Palestine ties

The Palestinian government recently pursued diplomatic efforts to bring peace to its territory by, through the good offices of Jordan, presenting a draft resolution to the UN Security Council (UNSC) on Dec

Hadianto Wirajuda (The Jakarta Post)
Jakarta
Mon, January 26, 2015

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A new chapter for Indonesia-Palestine ties

T

he Palestinian government recently pursued diplomatic efforts to bring peace to its territory by, through the good offices of Jordan, presenting a draft resolution to the UN Security Council (UNSC) on Dec. 29, 2014.

The draft, which was voted on a day later, outlined a number of key issues that President Mahmoud Abbas considered important prerequisites for Palestinian independence. These included putting forward a time-frame for ending Israel'€™s occupation in 12 months after the day the resolution was to be adopted. Also, by the end of 2017, the Israeli forces had to be withdrawn from Palestinian territory and thus, a full recognition of the Palestine state with East Jerusalem as its capital and territorial borders based on conditions that existed before 1967.

The UNSC rejected the draft resolution. While eight countries voted in favor of the draft (Jordan, Russia, China, Argentina, Chad, Chile, Luxembourg and France), two countries voted against (US and Australia), while five others abstained (UK, Rwanda, South Korea, Nigeria and Lithuania).

The US decision was unsurprising. The State Department'€™s spokesperson Jeff Rathke had noted that the draft '€œfails to account for Israel'€™s legitimate security needs thus, [is] more likely to curtail useful negotiations than to bring them to a successful conclusion'€.

What are then the scenarios for 2015, and in what way can Indonesia rejuvenate its ties with Palestine?

First, Palestine would have had a more conducive environment at the UNSC if the draft had been presented in 2015, as the UNSC composition will experience rotation this year. A number of non-permanent members will terminate their membership and be replaced with new countries. South Korea will be replaced by Malaysia, Spain will fill the post left by Luxembourg and New Zealand will replace Australia.

Under the pretext of Muslim solidarity, Malaysia has been a staunch supporter of Palestine while the Spanish parliament has recently passed a non-binding motion to urge the Spanish government to recognize Palestine as a state. New Zealand, in addition, was among the countries that voted in favor of the resolution that allowed for Palestine to obtain '€œnon-member observer'€ status at the UN in 2012.

Second, while continuing to engage other countries through active lobbying in multiple international forums, the Palestinian government should also ensure that its foreign policy receives sound domestic support. There is a need to consolidate its internal conditions particularly on the differences in opinion on how to achieve independence posed by Hamas and Fatah, and this will undoubtedly take time.

It is expected that a working consolidation, if successful, could minimize rejection by Hamas regarding the submission of the draft to the UNSC. Eventually, an independent Palestine must rise in a way acceptable to all Palestinians because only then can Palestine develop its statehood by virtue of a shared sense of ownership.

Third, Indonesia is scheduled to host the Asia-Africa Conference in April. It is worth remembering that a similar conference 60 years ago helped lay the foundation for the abolition of colonialism in Asian and African countries. Such an anti-colonialist spirit was dishonored when the Israelis occupied Palestine in 1967.

To this extent, Indonesia should reinforce the spirit stipulated in the 1955 Bandung Principles (Dasasila Bandung) through the upcoming Asia-Africa Conference. This is in line with President Joko '€œJokowi'€ Widodo'€™s first and second Nawacita (nine goals), specifically in relation to restoring the role of the state in the lives of its people, and his foreign policy ideas as well as his campaign promises about reassuring Indonesia'€™s role in, and its continuous support for, Palestine.

Indonesia should see the strategic value of the Asia-Africa Conference as a bridge of solidarity between the peoples of the two regions '€” a bridge Indonesia can utilize to signify its role as a middle power with global reach.

Fourth, Indonesia continuously supports a two-state solution, thus, must not neglect the presence of Israel. This is not to suggest that Indonesia should open diplomatic ties with Israel, as this would be a violation of the spirit enshrined in our Constitution.

But if we want the two states to coexist peacefully, we cannot undermine the existence of Israel as the other actor in the play, given Israel'€™s role in shaping contemporary international political, security, and economic discourses.

The Indonesian government '€” being presumably more rational than the ordinary public '€” must begin encouraging its finest researchers and government officials to follow closely Israel'€™s foreign-policy decisions. Only when Indonesia understands the rationale behind Israel'€™s foreign-policy decisions can Indonesia design a more active approach toward the creation of a liberated Palestinian state.

Fifth, Indonesia must endeavor to arbitrate and mediate between the different views of the conflicting factions in Palestine, Hamas and Fatah. A consolidated internal situation is an ultimate prerequisite for crafting and eventually, building a Palestinian state.

The failure in convening the factions in Iraq through a conference for Sunni and Shia in Bogor, in 2007 must not lead Indonesia to pessimism.

A similar initiative should be pursued in a location not only conducive for, but also geographically reachable by, the two participating factions. This could potentially overcome the financial burden those factions may face.

In short, Jokowi must carefully yet rightly select the forums in which he wishes Indonesia to accentuate its international role. Indonesia must be cautious not to step into an international arrangement unconducive to Indonesia'€™s leadership and historical footprints. Clearly, the nearest and best moment Indonesia has is the Asia-Africa Conference.

Being a staunch supporter of Sukarno'€™s grand ideas, Jokowi'€™s foreign-policy legacy will be remembered if he can successfully manage, if not drive, the Asia-Africa Conference to bring about deliverables useful to the Palestinians.

It is almost inevitable that having a more pronounced foreign policy toward the creation of a Palestinian state will increase Jokowi'€™s domestic legitimacy.


The writer holds a doctorate in international relations from the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). The views expressed are his own.

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