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reparations for the second round of simultaneous regional elections, slated for Feb. 15, 2017, began with the registration by coalitions of parties of their candidates with the local offices of the General Elections Commission (KPUDs) last month. The elections will be held in 101 provinces, regencies and cities across the country.

As in previous national and regional elections, experts, observers and election watchdogs have warned about potential widespread vote buying and rigging, bribery, cronyism and nepotism. They also raise the possibility of conflicts in such restive areas as Aceh and West Papua. The flawed legal framework, questionable neutrality on the part of the organizers, growing sectarian strife and bitter rivalry among local rivals give us reason for concern about violence before, during and after polling day.

Equally concerning is the fact that criminals have been granted permission to run for public office this time. One case in point is an incumbent candidate from Gorontalo, Rusli Habibie, who is on two-year probation for defaming the then local police chief Comr. Gen. Budi Waseso. Budi, currently chief of the National Narcotics Agency (BNN), led an investigation into a number of graft cases implicating Rusli, who was the North Gorontalo regent in 2008-2012.

All of this has been made legitimate by a controversial agreement between lawmakers and the Home Ministry, despite fierce objections from the general public. In reality, ex-convicts also retain their right to hold public posts on the grounds that they have already paid for their crimes.

Apart from these legal technicalities, regional elections this time are taking place amid deeply entrenched patronage and plutocracy, which has been blamed on the vigorous rise of political dynasties in many regions such as Banten, Lampung, South Sumatra, Kutai Kartanegara and South Sulawesi. In those regions, many candidates are the relatives and spouses of either incumbent or former regents and mayors.

Instead of offering political education, the regional elections highlight how the regeneration process within political parties has not worked. Jakarta is the most obvious example, as none of the three candidates, Basuki “Ahok” Tjahaja Purnama, Anies Baswedan and Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono, is a political party member, although they are all endorsed by parties.

On the other hand, the existing legal and political systems have also failed to provide opportunities for independent candidates to flourish and prove their individual capacity as good leaders. Take the case of Ahok for example. Despite having secured support from 1 million Jakartans to run on an independent ticket, the incumbent Jakarta governor has decided to run under a political-party banner instead.

Indonesia’s political transformation into a democracy has been a long and winding road. The purpose of organizing direct elections – from the national level down to city and regency levels – is to democratically elect political leaders. The law has been drafted and amended to minimize corrupt practices and to help realize our dream of providing a mandate only to clean and credible leaders. It should be the responsibility of all to ensure this democratic process will be sustained now and hereafter.