The terms “intelligence” and “espionage” may not buzz the same way as they did back in the Cold War era
he terms “intelligence” and “espionage” may not buzz the same way as they did back in the Cold War era. Thanks to the entertainment industry, we laugh at the likes of Austin Powers, Johnny English and Gru of Despicable Me.
However, this October, a different kind of “Gru” has resurfaced. The British, Dutch and American governments have uncovered what they claim as efforts made by Russia to conduct a global campaign of cyberattacks. They accuse the Russian Military Intelligence, known as GRU, of masterminding an attempt to hack into the Dutch-based Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) in April 2018.
Under the guise of information technology experts, four suspected GRU agents arrived in the Netherlands and were apprehended in the Marriott Hotel car park next to the OPCW headquarters.
This announcement came amid a spate of other discoveries made by the British, Dutch and American governments, including that Russia was allegedly trying to hack into the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA), and the investigation of the downed Malaysia Airlines’ MH17. Such revelations must be met with extreme caution for all countries.
Here in Jakarta, the Indonesia-Russia relationship seems unaffected by the series of allegations that the West has accused Russia of, ever since the poisoning of Sergei and Yulia Skripal in the United Kingdom. Moreover, the Indonesian Military (TNI) is enjoying the aftermath of successful negotiations on the procurement of 11 Russian-made Su-35 fighter jets.
In ASEAN, Russia has harvested a fruitful relationship after it opened its Permanent Mission to ASEAN in August 2017. Suffice to say, nothing seems able to stop the party that Indonesia and ASEAN are having with Russia.
We must strive to uphold the values of liberal democracy.
History, however, has shown how the long arms of the Kremlin were still very much active to settle unfinished businesses after the collapse of the Soviet Union. From the poisoning of former KGB agent Alexander Litvinenko to the annexation of Crimea, Moscow has shown its remaining strong influence beyond its borders. This doesn’t translate well for Russia as a country that supposedly respects a rules-based approach and international order.
Thus, as Indonesia moves inches closer and closer to Mother Russia, perhaps we should ask whether Russia is a comrade-in-arms or a strange bedfellow.
Indonesia’s bilateral relationship with Russia has gone through ups and downs. Ever since the breakdown of relations with the West in the 1950s, first president Sukarno pushed for closer cooperation with the Soviet Union in political and military terms.
During the 1960s, the Soviet Union was one of our closest military suppliers, where dozens of fighter jets, bombers, tanks and naval vessels were procured to liberate West Papua from the Dutch. Soviet crew members even manned some Indonesian submarines in operations against the Dutch.
However, the relationship between the two countries didn’t blossom again until 2003, when then-president Megawati Soekarnoputri travelled to Moscow to purchase the TNI’s first Sukhoi fighter jets.
The positions of Indonesia and Russia in the early 2000s were somewhat similar. Both countries were emerging economies with a fairly new taste of democracy. But in 2018, the differences couldn’t be more apparent.
As Indonesia managed to consolidate its democracy and empower its civil societies to work side-by-side with the government, Russia began to slide back in time to when power remained concentrated in the hands of a few. Political dissidents have been arrested or even allegedly assassinated, and respect for freedom of expression is curtailed by state-backed apparatus.
Moreover, with the strengthening of the Russian military, more and more resources are being poured into military intelligence operatives across the world.
As Russia’s interest in Europe began to be cornered by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, it started to look east to bolster support against the West. Capitalizing on its strong military-industrial complex, and energy expertise, it has sought to strengthen old bonds with the likes of China, Vietnam, Indonesia, and even Japan. Yet as we look at the effect of Russian foreign policy, desperately seeking to revive the old Soviet glory as dreamed of by the impertsy, at what cost will we accept closer ties with Moscow?
Indonesia’s “free and active” foreign policy might give the country free reign to befriend any country. However, Indonesia must be able to identify and criticize any country that conducts aggression with apparent impunity. We must strive to uphold the values of liberal democracy and learn to acknowledge forces working against it as well.
Right now, we are faced with two hands stretched out to meet, but which hand will prevail? Will it be the hand that says spasibo? or will it be the one that says do svidanya?
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The writer is a researcher with the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Jakarta.
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