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Curbing pandemic in Papua needs extra caution
As of April 2, nearly 1,800 confirmed cases of COVID-19 had been recorded in Indonesia with 170 deaths
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As of April 2, nearly 1,800 confirmed cases of COVID-19 had been recorded in Indonesia with 170 deaths. Among them, nine cases were recorded in Papua. Given the region's sensitivities and vulnerabilities, efforts to deal with COVID-19 in Papua require special attention and may differ from other regions in Indonesia.
If COVID-19 spreads rapidly in Papua, efforts to handle it will become very difficult as it is the country’s poorest province with the lowest human development index score. The region’s isolation and the uneven population distribution are major challenges in the provision of public facilities and basic needs amid inadequate health facilities and infrastructure.
Before President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo announced the national policies on the pandemic on March 31, Papuan leaders had raised suggestions on how to prevent the spread of COVID-19, including blocking access to Papua for people from outside Papua. There is a demographic aspect here that forms the basis of why a lockdown is considered so urgent.
Indigenous Papuans are struggling to maintain their existence as a distinct racial, ethnic and subethnic group amid the swift flow of migration.
Because COVID-19 has the potential to bring death to vulnerable age groups, indigenous Papuans are likely to see higher casualties because their socio-economic circumstances are far below those migrant communities.
The sensitive relationship between indigenous Papuans and migrants means potential for conflict if the spread of COVID-19 in Papua is not promptly addressed. Migrant communities and security forces could be regarded as the source of the virus as they move in and out of Papua. The first case of COVID-19 in Papua was recorded in Merauke, with the patient having traveled from Bogor, West Java.
The suggested lockdowns could be interpreted as an effort to stop migration to Papua to protect indigenous Papuans – an expression of strengthening Papuan nationalism.
Regional heads must now adjust policies to the new “large scale social restrictions” based on the health quarantine law.
Beyond the legal aspects, several other aspects need attention. First, as the proposed social restrictions only cover sea and air transportation, there are no clear limitations on land-based or inter-district mobility. Even if restrictions on land-based travel are put in place, they will be difficult to implement given Papua’s geography.
The idea of a lockdown in the Papuans’ proposal does not takes into account customary rights and customary land, and so would be met with resistance. Many Papuans earn a living by farming or hunting across unclear boundaries. This restriction will threaten the ability for Papuans to make ends meet.
Second, there are indications the lockdown was motivated by anti-immigrant sentiment, even though the more rational reason to enforce the lockdown is because of the limited resources and health facilities.
Third, there is an assumption the lockdown is aimed at preventing security forces from entering Papua, even though they support health workers and help provide stability. Among the security forces’ main roles is to maintain order in the event of a shortage of basic needs.
However, because of the disharmony between indigenous Papuans and security forces owing to alleged human rights violations, there is likely to be resistance to the authorities’ handling of COVID-19.
Fourth, the nationwide policy for physical distancing is hampered by limited internet access in Papua, meaning dire challenges for e-learning and online religious services.
Fifth, Jokowi’s massive infrastructure development program has been hampered because the supply of materials and construction have stopped. Sixth, it is necessary to anticipate the impact of a lockdown and physical distancing on people displaced by conflict in Nduga, who are especially vulnerable to COVID-19.
To help realize the policies to curb the pandemic in Papua, free and subsidized electricity is needed particularly for indigenous Papuans apart from credit relief in purchase of vehicles. A huge number of Papuans especially in the highlands lack access to electricity.
Implementing physical distancing in Papua will be an arduous task beyond the problem of internet access. First, physical distancing sounds foreign to many indigenous Papuans who lack knowledge on public health.
Calls for physical distancing could be interpreted as a systematic effort to split apart clan or tribal ties, which are very strong in Papua. Clan ties help guarantee collective economic survival. Without adequate explanation, the implementation of physical distancing will ignite suspicion.
Second, the nature of Papuan society poses another challenge. Papuans commonly live in groups in one big house called a honai, living a life of communalism. This communalism also relates to the search for collective security. Indigenous Papuans live under the threat of friction with other clans, migrants and security forces.
The “big man system” of Papuan society also requires that a tribal leader maintain a close relationship with their community members and exhibit leadership characteristics such generosity, good communication and bravery.
Philosophically, Papuans also recognize the importance of maintaining balance, health and peace between fellow humans and the spiritual realm. For this reason, they engage in many activities that involve the masses, such as stone-burning ceremonies and tribal warfare.
To handle COVID-19 in Papua, several measures are vital. Coordination between the central, provincial and district governments must be strengthened, mapping of the most vulnerable groups must be carried out to ensure they are given assistance and education must be provided to prevent the spread of disinformation regarding COVID-19 with the help of local leaders.
Done right, the handling of COVID-19 can be used as an opportunity to help peace-building efforts among all elements of society in Papua.
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Head of the Department of Politics and Social Change at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). The views expressed are personal.
