In the aftermath of reformation, old faces still dominate the political arena. Some analysts and commentators are worried that the process of regeneration does not run efficiently.

Reformation fails to produce new leaders. Old players are too strong, a situation which thwarted the birth of new leaders.

In the recent years, three are young potential leaders — Rizal Mallarangeng, who already devoted a certain amount of energy and money to advertise his candidacy for president via the media, Yuddy Chrisnandi, a former candidate for Golkar chairman, and Ulil Abshar-Abdalla, one of the founders of JIL (Liberal Islam Network) who threw a hat in the NU (Nahdlatul Ulama) leadership arena — failed.

Now, Anas Urbaningrum becomes the chairman of the Democratic Party. Does it mean that an Indonesian Obama has come? Do not rush to a conclusion.

The case of Rizal is as follows. Once he said: “I do not run on behalf of myself, but on behalf of a generation. I respect President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Gus Dur, the Sultan [of Yogyakarta], and Amien Rais. But, they should not be alone.”

Rizal then rhetorically asked:  If another country can produce new leaders, why can’t Indonesia? After 10 years (of reformation) why should only Gus Dur and Amien (dominate the Indonesian political landscape).

However, having surveyed that the chance is not much; the system was not ready; the politics were still dark; and he is not welcome in the ring — Rizal gave up his venture. All campaign activities in the office of Jl. Yusuf Adiwinata 29, Menteng were terminated. The dream of a young candidate for president was postponed in this way.

The bid of Yuddy to chair Golkar cast another story. He reportedly declared: “I run for [the position as Golkar chairman], not because I am young, but because my friends and I are motivated to ensure Golkar win the 2014 general election.”

Unfortunately, he was not attractive enough for Golkar politicians. He gained almost no vote.

In the wake of his defeat, he moved from Golkar to Hanura, another party led by Wiranto — a known general who also left Golkar, which later supported him as the candidate of vice president with Jusuf Kalla as the candidate of president.

According to the Javanese myth, a satria piningit (hidden knight) is expected to appear during despair.  This knight is perhaps young, a newcomer, who is not known in the arena yet.

However, some analysts and commentators are realistic. Yet they were often impatient.

New, true reformed minded Indonesian leaders are not coming as fast as we expect.

Ulil also promised hope. His attempt to run for NU chairman is bold. He is known for his liberal ideas, which often burned the ears of many conservatives and radicals.

If he were chosen, more progressive ideas would be injected in this biggest Muslim organization in the country.

However, Ulil was not the “hidden knight”, at least not for the majority of NU leaders. Not yet.

It is perhaps safe to conclude that after reformation, Anas is the first young leader who led the biggest political party.

Bear in mind that the PDI-P (the Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle) has chosen to stay with their Ibu, Megawati Soekarnoputri, rather than flying away from their nest.

The younger cadres feel safe in a tranquil house. Do not mess up the living room. Stay calm and be sweet.

Learning from history, Indonesia in this reformation era does not give enough space for young blood.  
In the early 20th century, when the ethical policy bore fruit, almost all associations and organizations — be they inspired by the spirit of nationalism, Islam, socialism, or communism — were founded by young students and intellectuals.

They were indeed young and highly spirited. They were idealistic, risking their life. True, they
went back and forth from one jail to another.  

In that era, the Dutch colonial government “watched” them. Yet the circle of leadership among Indonesians in this archipelago and the Netherlands run dynamically. When a certain leader was arrested, another emerged.

When a certain ideology died out, a new ideology came. When an old form of struggle was out of date, a new method was adopted.

At that time, there were indeed many ideologies which came and went. Older generation, such as Noto Suroto and Abdul Rivai, were in favor of a cooperative approach with the Dutch government in their struggle to elevate the fate of Indonesians.

New leaders, such as Mohammad Hatta and Sutan Sjahrir, stressed the independence of Indonesians’ own confidence in their struggle for independence.

A more radical approach in refusing to cooperate with the Dutch colonial rulers were also later adopted.

Historians, such as Harry Poeze, told us that once Hatta and Sjahrir were expelled from the Perhimpunan Indonesia (PI/Indonesian Association), as the new generation of the PI were more radical.

The point is that the circle of leadership was dynamic.

In short, if we want to take a lesson from the best generation, who delivered this nation to  independence, we should give more room to both new players and their ideas.

Anas is perhaps not totally new in politics, although he is now likely the youngest among the chairmen of all political parties in Indonesia.

His political activities have started since his youth in the HMI (Indonesian Muslim Student Association), the KPU (General Election Commission), and Golkar.

Accordingly, the extent to which Anas differs his own leadership and style from those of Yudhoyono, Gus Dur, Megawati, Wiranto, Prabowo, Jusuf Kalla, and Akbar Tandjung remains unclear.

However, more young players should be welcome in the ring. We do expect that more Obamas are born in this land.

Now, Anas Urbaningrum becomes the chairman of the Democratic Party. Does it mean that an Indonesian Obama has come?


The writer is a lecturer at State Islamic University Sunan Kalijaga.

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