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n an effort to solve a problem, a leader has to avoid blowing an issue out of proportion or, in the extreme, playing it down as if everything is fine. Unfortunately President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is doing both.

When he learned that one or two Cabinet ministers had placed their allegiance to him below loyalty to their parties, Yudhoyono did nothing, despite his prerogative of coalition unity. But when fatal shootings flared up in Papua, killing at least 16 civilians and security personnel in the past month alone, the President saw no urgency to settle the issue once and for all despite the fact that violence has been plaguing the naturally resource-rich province for decades.

We are appalled by the President’s latest statement, which described the recent incidents in Papua as small-scale, merely taking into account the small number of fatalities that were far below the number of lives lost in violence in the Middle East. The President has sent the wrong message about his administration’s knowledge of what is really happening in Papua. More than that, the statement confirms that doubts over Jakarta’s commitment to addressing the prolonged injustice in Papua are not groundless.

Now the public at home and around the world understand why there has been no comprehensive policy to deal with Papua, despite a number of initiatives, like the formation of the Unit for Acceleration of Development in Papua and West Papua (UP4B). The unit has so far done much to open communications between local Papuans, including rebel groups, and the central government, but Jakarta’s propensity to underestimate the core problem of Papua — which is injustice — undermines the hard work and achievements of the unit.

The Papuan shooting spree comes against the backdrop of the international community’s discontent with Indonesia’s human rights record in Papua during the UN Human Rights Commission’s convention in Geneva a few weeks ago. It is therefore imperative for Indonesia, the government in particular, to regain the world’s trust through affirmative policies aimed at delivering justice for the Papuan people, including an end to impunity given to perpetrators of atrocities.

Post-New Order Indonesia has resolved half of the Herculean job of keeping Papua as part of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia through special autonomy for the province in 2001, which allows Papua to enjoy and manage the lion’s share of its revenue from natural resources. But distribution of wealth has failed to materialize as most of the huge funds have been wasted — or embezzled by the local elites — as is evident in the fact that Papua and West Papua remain the most disadvantaged regions, mostly because of Jakarta’s poor supervision and — more importantly — ignorance.

That Jakarta has let Papua squander its golden opportunities to develop and advance is not surprising given President Yudhoyono’s indifference to the Papuan people’s right to security.

Reports of the imminent restructuring of Papua’s military command may exacerbate the already deteriorating security situation in the province. The chief post in each of the three military commands (Korem) is currently held by a colonel but will be given to a brigadier general. Only time will tell whether the restructuring will result in the deployment of more troops to Papua.

Until Yudhoyono, who himself promised a new deal for Papua after taking office in 2004, agrees to hold talks with the Papuans and listen to their grievances, the chance of a comprehensive solution to the Papua conflict will remain slim.

Indonesia succeeded in ending armed conflict and bringing peace back to Aceh in 2005 because there was a will. The same determination must prevail in winning Papua’s hearts and minds.