TheJakartaPost
Please Update your browser
Your browser is out of date, and may not be compatible with our website. A list of the most popular web browsers can be found below.
Just click on the icons to get to the download page.
Revolution: Part II in Egypt
Mohamed Mursiâs ousting marked the end of the political drama in Egypt
Change Size
M
ohamed Mursi's ousting marked the end of the political drama in Egypt. The end was nigh for the former president after the military sided with the opposition.
Outsiders are left wondering why, after Hosni Mubarak was toppled and the first democratic elections were held, the Egyptians took Mursi down. Did democracy not suit the Egyptians?
Egyptians are very proud of their past and present. Egypt is the global leader of Middle Eastern studies. During one time in Egypt in 2010; a junior professor at Al Azhar University told me that Egyptians should be proud of their cultural and intellectual heritage.
Saudi Arabia might be richer than Egypt but they need Egypt's education. Egypt understands the Western idea of democracy; it opts for the open minded 'Egypt context' of Islam. Surely, democracy is not the problem.
Mursi is not left leaning. He is a member of the largest Islamic group (referred to as political Islam by the West) founded by Hasan Al-Banah ' i.e. Al Ikwan Al Muslimum (The Muslim Brotherhood). This group continues to nurture its brightest members such as Sayd Qutb, the ideologue (thinker) who formulated the spirit of Hasan Al-Banah in a systematic treatise. His literary work ' a tafsir (interpretation) of the Koran ' greatly influenced the Middle Eastern Muslim world, especially political Islam and even the so-called radicals.
For almost 80 years the group struggled until Mursi came to power. Its members suffered under Nasser, Anwar Sadat and Mubarak. Its founders Al Banah and Qutb were executed by hanging. After the fall of Mubarak people put all their hopes in Mursi.
The question remains: Why have the people who elected him now turned?
There are two main reasons. First, Mursi was deemed to have failed to improve the standard of living for his people.
They ousted Mubarak due to the economic issues of unemployment, corruption and insufficient infrastructure and had hoped Mursi would bring them out of the economic slump.
But the price of gasoline remains high and is difficult to get; the electricity is on and off; water is unavailable; but the worst is fresh graduates have no future in Egypt as there are no jobs.
Local TV always portrayed Mursi as a dedicated Muslim but the problem is that Egyptians do not only want a devout president. They long for a leader who can lead them to economic prosperity.
Second, the culprit for indignation on the part of the opposition is the new constitution. According to many the new constitution makes Egypt too Islamic with religion on a pedestal.
Worse is that the constitution denies the rights of other groups that do not share the same views as the Muslim Brotherhood, such as secularists, moderates, minorities and so forth. They feel they are not part of the new Egypt that was fought for in Tahrir Square.
With the Islamic rhetoric and agenda of the Muslim Brotherhood in the background, these 'outside groups' (secular, Western-minded, capitalist etc) were labeled as bad people.
What can Indonesia learn from this 'Revolution: Part II' in Egypt?
First, the loyalty of a leader elected to public office to his party ends as his loyalty is for the nation. Once elected, his agenda is intended for the good of the public and nation. A public official is not a tribal leader or religious leader.
Given the plural society he leads, a public official should want pluralism in society.
It is ironic and dangerous if a public leader acts as if he only cares about his group and discriminates those who are different.
Second, religion and political affairs are not to be mixed up, especially by a public leader. Religion is not the commander in chief when it comes to public offices.
It just tells us how to conduct ourselves according to God's will. Religion knows nothing about investment, job opportunities, trade or multi and bilateral cooperation. It is politics that should say the last words.
To be a person who conducts religious affairs and to take up a public office position is a big mistake. Secularity (not secularism) cannot work by prescriptions in religion. Karl Marx's perception about religion as opium is right only when religion dictates everything and hinders the development of a society.
Third, never underestimate the voice of the young. The youths are not just happy go lucky. They have deep questions about life issues and need certainty for their future.
You cannot pacify them with religious motives while at the same time map out their quest for a better life. They are often decisive voters, so to neglect the voice of the young is political suicide.
Lastly, one should not forget the role of social media in the new era of the global world. The Arab Spring started on Facebook, Twitter and blogs. The media is heightens the process and gathers people with the same agenda. Many demonstrations started through discussions on Facebook.
People in business now are talking about social media marketing. Why politicians are blind to the methods of marketing guru's and play down Facebook and other social media instruments?
There are many more lessons we can learn from Egypt.
The writer is professor of Islamic Studies at St Agustinus School of Theology in Pontianak and vice director of the East Asia Research Center at Syarief Hidayatullah State Islamic University, Jakarta. He visited Egypt in 2010 for dialogue project of IDEO, a research center on Islamic studies belonging to the Dominican Order.
