The results of the 2008 Malaysian general election could herald a new era for Malaysian politics, while the resurgence of opposition parties may lead to the exit of Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi. The election results will also have a significant impact on the Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS).

The PAS' decision to moderate its Islamic stance has not only buttressed its support among non-Muslims but has also recaptured the support of rural Malay voters.

It seems the PAS has finally resolved the dilemma of retaining its support in the Malay heartland while remaining relevant at a national level. This new development is likely to cause a reshape in the PAS over the next few years.

The 2008 election saw a resurgence of the PAS, which captured 23 parliamentary seats and 82 state seats making it likely to achieve state governance in Kelantan, Kedah and possibly Perak.

While the PAS' most recent electoral success was less impressive than its electoral performance in the 1999 elections, when it won 27 parliamentary seats and 98 state seats, its latest performance is significant in several ways.

First, PAS was able to garner significant support from non-Muslim Malaysians in the recent election. For example, the PAS won several constituencies with significant numbers of non-Muslims voters, including the Titiwangsa parliamentary seat in the Federal Territory.

Second, the PAS was able to maintain support among rural Malay voters, successfully defending its control over Kelantan, while wresting control of Kedah and making headway in the state of Terengganu.

Third, the party was able to recapture support amongst urban Malay voters by winning Malay dominated seats in states like Selangor and Penang.

As part of its electoral strategy, PAS softened its stance and left its Islamic state agenda on the backburner, instead choosing to form a negara kebajikan (welfare state).

The party chose to focus on more universal aspects of Islam, including egalitarianism, tolerance and accommodation. This strategy paid off when many non-Muslims decided to throw in their lot with the PAS during the election.

Beyond the rhetoric of electoral politics, the PAS has consistently separated religion from ethnicity, a relationship enshrined in the Malaysian Constitution, which stipulates that all Malays must be Muslims. Since the 1980s, with the emergence of "ulema" leadership within its party, the PAS has condemned UMNO's brand of racial politics as assabiyah (tribalism) deeming it un-Islamic.

The PAS' unique brand of Islamic piety has always been divorced from the trappings of Malay supremacist ideas couched in UMNO's Islamic approach. This might explain why the PAS is more tolerant of the religions and cultures of minority groups in Malaysia.

Non-Muslim Malaysians find it easier to obtain permits to build their places of worship in PAS controlled Kelantan than in UMNO controlled states. With the right packaging, PAS leaders successfully sold their more benevolent leadership to non-Muslim voters during this election.

In its efforts to capture Malay votes in the northern Malay states of Kelantan, Kedah, Perlis and Terengganu, the PAS traditionally emphasized its agenda to implement stricter Islamic laws. Assumptions that such a stance would result in the party winning a larger portion of the rural Malay votes were shattered by the 2008 election results.

The message is clear and simple: Malay voters prefer leaders that have stronger Islamic credentials and are free from corruption and nepotism, the likes of which define UMNO politicians. However, voters do not necessarily crave stricter Islamic laws.

This can be explained by the fact that Islam in northern Malaysia remains traditional, while being fused with local Malay traditions, some of which may even contravene strict puritan Islamic laws some PAS leaders are pushing for. At the same time, many remain wary that various forms of entertainment, including music, could be banned if PAS wins their state.

PAS leaders successfully eased such worries when they began showing a more human side, with party leaders playing soccer against Malaysian artists and allowing Mawi, the winner of the popular Akademi Fantasia program, to perform in Kelantan.

Urban Malay voters were also won over by the PAS' new image, resulting in the party's success in many urban Malay dominated constituencies in Selangor and Penang. The dilemma the PAS perceived for itself never materialized.

The party's strong electoral showing is likely to strengthen the reform-minded faction of the party led by deputy president Nasharuddin Mat Isa.

During the last PAS annual general meeting, the more conservative ulema group within the party made a strong showing by capturing several top party posts.

Yet the ulema would probably moderate their position on the Islamic state issue given the success of the PAS in the election. This could well lead to a discernible moderation of the party's Islamist commitment.

The PAS is likely to transform itself into a "post-Islamist" party similar to the Prosperity Justice Party in Turkey, perhaps totally foregoing its pledge to implement strict Islamic laws.

Instead, it would focus on the more egalitarian aspects of Islam such as social justice, protecting human rights and establishing a corruption-free political system. This will also allow the party to work more effectively with its political partners, the People's Justice Party and Democratic Action Party, to establish a strong alternative to the current government led by the National Front.

The writer is an Associate Research Fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) and a PhD candidate of the Department of Political and Social Change at the Australian National University (ANU).

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