D

uring the first Bali Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) retreat session, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono took Russian President Vladimir Putin for a ride in his VVIP golf cart, passing beach dunes and discussing recent developments on the chemical weapons threat in Syria.

Indeed, the debate on Syria had been a major topic of discussion for world leaders in September. A seemingly inevitable US-led intervention in retaliation for Syria'€™s alleged use of chemical weapons '€” something which Russia would oppose '€” has instead resulted in a UN Security Council consensus resolution.

The success of this back-room diplomacy was by no means guaranteed. In fact, things could have deteriorated if mediation did not occur '€” or if some leaders did not speak up. Many parties did cry out for action, but with all the noise and perspectives, perhaps it was difficult for some leaders to determine (or agree on) the best course or, simply, on whom to trust.

For Indonesia '€” the largest predominantly Muslim country, one that stands for democracy, stability and prosperity '€” Yudhoyono felt it necessary to play a role so those leaders had the necessary room to maneuver and the right options to pursue.

This meant reminding big powers like the US and Russia that there were options other than a military strike for addressing the use of chemical weapons in Syria. It also meant speaking to those relevant countries, including Syria, and encouraging them to strive for a peaceful and humanitarian solution '€” '€œa middle way out'€, as Yudhoyono put it during the G20 Summit in St. Petersburg in September.

The weather was chilly that night on Sept. 5 at the Peterhoff Palace when those discussions took place. Blue lights hit the walls of the gold-domed palace with the red sunset covering the horizon.

Putin had given the floor to Obama during the working dinner, immediately after UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon presented a report on the post-Millennium Development Goals outlook and the UN inspection team in Syria.

This allowed US President Barack Obama and other G20 leaders to express their position on the issue.

The dinner discussion was clearly divided into two camps. It was during this discussion that Yudhoyono delivered his three-minute remarks. '€œWe must intervene, not because of the new threat of
chemical weapons or to remove President Bashar al-Assad, but to stop the bloodshed in Syria, to encourage humanitarian assistance and to allow her people to begin a new inclusive and transparent political process,'€ he said.

Yudhoyono also reminded the others about the letter 11 NGOs sent to the G20 leaders that called for support in performing humanitarian assistance. G20 leaders nodded at his remarks as delegates
watched and listened in the observation room.

The next day, Yudhoyono discussed with Ban new options for Syria '€” to which the secretary-general and UN special representative Lakhdar Brahimi described the difficulty of reaching consensus in the UN Security Council. But still, Yudhoyono continued to pursue peace '€” now with personal letters, signed in Russia, to all leaders of the UN Security Council, the G20, ASEAN and especially to Syrian President Assad. In his letter was a call for peace and to focus on the interests of the Syrian people.

A week later, US Secretary of State John Kerry and his Russian counterpart Sergei Lavrov pursued new talks and slowly began to produce converging views on Syria. Diplomatic chatter suggests that leaders, including Assad, welcomed the letter by Yudhoyono. Putin welcomed Indonesia'€™s presence at the Geneva-2 process while Kerry was interested to learn about Indonesia'€™s readiness to deploy peacekeeping forces in Syria. Syria itself was set to receive an Indonesian delegation in Damascus, as described by Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa.

At the end of UN week in New York on Sept. 27, the members of the UN Security Council, presided over by Australia, finally agreed on a resolution, which deplored the use of chemical weapons, promised to punish the perpetrators and referred to Chapter 7 should Syria not be acquiescent.

From the G20 to APEC, the discussions on Syria seemed to have prevented wider regional war. Indeed, history reminds us that wars are not caused by the people, but by the leaders.

So when the media or politicians or the fear of loss pushes leaders to make wrong decisions, it falls on a friend to remind them of other options. Perhaps a statement or small note or even the squeeze of a hand may give those leaders a chance to reconsider their previous intention for the good of the people.

Yudhoyono clearly stated that Indonesia'€™s role in Syria was limited. But through rapport and sincere interest for Syria, he took the opportunity to offer his friends alternatives. Whether the solution to Syria'€™s chemical weapons will work or not, we at least hope it will pave the way for other peaceful solutions in that region.

If it does work to prevent the proliferation of chemical weapons, who'€™s to say this approach couldn'€™t serve as a model to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons in other regions like Northeast Asia? Perhaps history awaits those individuals or countries to offer a fresh and more inclusive approach to ensure regional peace, stability and prosperity.

The writer is assistant special staff to the President for international relations. The views expressed
are his own.