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bu Zaid al-Indunisi, the nickname of a young Indonesian who joined the jihadist movement in Syria last year, has probably been a supporter of the Islamic State, a counterfeit modern caliphate on the borders of Iraq and Syria. Some reasons can be considered to understand his decision.

One reason that is factual is that Abu Zaid was disappointed with his education. Recruited earlier by an Islamic organization in Turkey to support the value of Islamic tolerance, he was supposed to study in accordance with his own intentions. However, being the protégé of a religious community in Turkey, he could not but accept the indisputable decision of his patron to choose another subject that he was completely not interested in.

Living in a relatively paternalistic environment in Kayseri, a historical city in central Anatolia, he was depressed. The only dream that lingered in his mind foundered. His expectations faded away. Being in the Syrian battlefield therefore was a mere option, but he could think of no alternatives. Assuming that many young students like him lack creative lessons for critical thinking and liberal arts, his way of thinking has been concealed by a doctrinaire value that he is powerless to censure.

This is only one apparent case that helps us to detect other jihadist comrades from Southeast Asia. Rather than combating them from the perspective of national security, we should discover new approaches to re-invite them into normal life in our societies. Think about the alumni of jihadists in Poso and the Maluku Islands in the post-Reformasi era as an example. Can we ensure that they now live in a balanced way like other citizens? The same question must be raised to anticipate the worst case scenario if Indonesian jihadists fighting in the Middle East come home and resettle in spots across the archipelago.

We, citizens and the government, should solve the problem of combatants. If Abu Zaid returns to his homeland, many may find faults with him, isolate him or befriend him no more. He may think he is virtuous, but our society thinks otherwise. In addition, the state will always scrutinize his activities.

At such a young age, he needs a more hospitable fraternity that can embrace him and encourage him to change. We need to emulate what Yayasan Prasasti Perdamaian has done for ex-Muslim militias: intensive advocacy to practice purgatorio or tawba (repentance) along with further training including for
soft skills.

The late former president Abdurrahman '€œGus Dur'€ Wahid, like Gandhi, hated sin, not the sinners. This should guide us to diminish the radicalization of religious youths. The state does not have to recount them with terrorist narrative. As long as they can prove they can contribute to society, they deserve a normal life without any culpability upon them for being '€œabnormal'€.

The more we act to embrace them, the lower the possibility of them reviving their belligerent attitude. Government policies like the national security law can only deter or eradicate those who allegedly belong to jihadist communities, but will not solve the entire problem. We may recall the experience of the New Order and its military legacy, which had many flaws in treating the opposition.

The next crucial matter that we, especially Muslim communities, should ponder is whether they can contribute to the advancement of people'€™s welfare. As a nation with such a big Muslim population, we are a fragile community that has lost the pride of our culture, not to mention the poverty that has consistently plagued the country.

Hence we need to enhance our civilized life. Muslim civilizations from the past showed not only high levels of manners, morality, decency and humanity, but also fine taste in literature. Now we already have some notions of its translation in our state ideology of Pancasila: kemanusiaan yang adil dan beradab (just and civilized humanity).

Our unfinished jihad in this nationhood context is therefore to eliminate ignorance. We have to reform our religious studies in public schools, universities, Islamic boarding schools and other informal institutes. We need to reform the mindset promoted in the takfiri movement, which considers people with different opinions apostate.

It is necessary to educate people about the diverse opinions that Islam has upheld since its origin in the late antique period. Instead of accusing other people of being kafir (infidels), we need to redefine this word as a term for anyone who is reluctant to make a good life. What is more, those who are silent or even condone corrupt practices fall under this term.

By gradually improving our wellbeing and state of mind, regardless of our religious or political affiliation, we can prevent Muslim militias from thriving. Happiness is not pursued by suicide bombings or supporting Abu Wardah Santoso, an Indonesia jihadist leader who would take an oath for the fake caliph of Abu Bakar al-Baghdadi in Iraqi Mosul.

Islam teaches worldly happiness that honors our bodies and souls. And the ultimate happiness, according to eternal opinions of Muslim philosophers and the like, is the perfection of our intellect. '€œPursuit of happiness'€ is not purely a modern political product. It is a vanished wisdom of Muslim communities, in relation to which our unfinished jihad should be addressed in order to refine our society.