T

he title of this article is based on circulating satire among Yogyakarta'€™s local residents in recent years. Others include '€œJogja ora didol'€ (Yogyakarta not for sale) and the latest, '€œJogja Istimewa: Hotelnya!'€ (Yogya Special Region: Just its hotels!). Such phrases obviously express how disappointed local residents are in the growth of their city.

As one of the most dynamic regions, Yogyakarta continues to unfold itself for newcomers. Official data from the provincial population agency says at least 1,320 newcomers report themselves to the agency each month. The ratio of migrants to locals in the province is now estimated at 35:65.

Many people come to Yogyakarta to stay a while to study, spend vacations, or for business purposes. Others settle down.

They vary from poor to rich. Internet cafes, coffee shops, self-service markets and many more businesses have popped up to cater to them '€” with residential property experiencing the biggest boom and suddenly a vital source of revenue for the municipality.

But who is responsible for the provision of residences? Supposedly it is the government with full control to prevent spatial ambiguity. But it is the developers that aggressively and extensively build residences for newcomers. What exactly are their guidelines to build apartments, gated communities and hotels? Can they ensure that the development will not cause environmental and social issues?

Social segregation may cause problems regarding income gaps of newcomers.

Although the property development creates jobs, it is largely unregulated. It creates jobs but the massive development is clearly destructive to the environment.

First, the building of hotels is virtually uninhibited by any rules. Nearby local residents experience water shortages as reflected in the short documentary Belakang Hotel (At the back of the hotel), which was released by the Jogja Asat (Yogya Draining) community.

Second, apartments are also practically unregulated. Until now, Sleman regency lacks related regulations on apartments. As confirmed by my research, construction of apartments is based only on local regulations for lodgings, which do not cover high-rise including developments apartments. In the Kaliurang area at the foot of Mount Merapi, apartments abound, yet the Detailed Spatial Plan defines the surroundings as a trade and services area.

The apartments have not met government requirements on Environmental Impact Analysis (Amdal) either. But as is common elsewhere in Indonesian cities, developers have gained building permits before acquiring Amdal documents and recommendations.

As the recent burning of a church in Aceh Singkil regency showed, the government'€™s ease of handing at building permits to property developers is bizarre compared with the complicated administrative procedures to build houses of worship.

Third, gated communities are also a growing problem for agricultural land and water scarcity in Yogyakarta. Each block provides different facilities. The more expensive the apartment, the more facilities available. Based on my research in urban areas in Sleman, Bantul and Yogyakarta until 2014, there were more than 600 blocks of gated communities, excluding uncompleted and planned ones.

Further problems must be anticipated. Social conflict may arise as a result of the accumulation of local residents'€™ disappointment with the degree of commercialization of residential developments in their neighborhoods, seen to cause problems such as water scarcity. Further, social segregation may cause problems regarding income gaps of newcomers in the more expensive dwellings, apart from differences in customs or values.

But local residents blame their own governments for easily issuing the necessary permits '€” which for now is reflected in satire and relatively few protests among residents in one of a few of the country'€™s '€œspecial'€ administrative regions. However, the greater problem that should be prevented is the further declining public trust in government.