The wait is finally over
he wait is finally over.
The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) finally announced Jakarta Governor Joko 'Jokowi' Widodo will be the party's candidate for the presidential election on July 9.
The PDI-P's decision to nominate Jokowi is commendable. It is a decision that reflects the ability of former president Megawati Soekarnoputri, chairwoman of the PDI-P, to act as Ibu Bangsa (Mother of the Nation). By nominating Jokowi, Megawati, in effect, initiated the much-needed new beginning for the consolidation of Indonesia's democracy.
Indeed, the decision also reflects the PDI-P's ability to positively respond to the expectation among voters that this year would bring about a generational change in Indonesian-political leadership. Since becoming governor of Jakarta, Jokowi has been seen by the general public as the embodiment of that change.
Having Jokowi, whose popularity is far higher than other presidential aspirants, as a candidate, the PDI-P is providing an opportunity for voters to realize that expectation.
Of course, Jokowi's candidacy represents more than just an expectation of generational change in politics.
His personality and style also correspond with the prevailing yearning among the public for a new type of leadership. Jokowi's popularity was not earned through expensive, well-crafted media campaigns.
It evolved naturally from the way he conducts his duties as governor and as a mayor before that: leading to the perception that he is 'one of us'.
As the speculation about Jokowi's candidacy has now come to a definite end, however, the real challenge for him ' and the PDI-P ' has just only begun.
The most important task now for the PDI-P is to secure as many seats in the House of Representatives as possible.
A strong contingent in the House would surely help strengthen the legislative base for a future PDI-P president and government. This prerequisite for strong legislative base would also require serious consideration about possible coalition partner(s).
Jokowi's candidacy will surely inject a high dose of confidence into the PDI-P in the run up to the elections.
However, as some surveys show, even with Jokowi's candidacy announced before the legislative election, the PDI-P would only garner around 30 percent of the seats.
Therefore, it should not fall into the trap of complacency. Seats in the House should also be won through hard work and collective determination, not just through a presidential candidate's popularity.
Equally important, there is still the challenge of winning the presidential election in July. Based on various surveys, it is increasingly clear who would be the public's most preferred choice for Indonesia's seventh president. Jokowi has always come first in almost every survey conducted over the last 12 months or so.
Assuming that Jokowi wins the election, his government will soon face two daunting tasks. Domestically, there would be the difficult challenge of managing the high expectations.
While previous governments had also been confronted with the same problem in the past, the challenge of managing expectations would be far greater for a Jokowi government.
In this context, managing the economy ' by revamping poor infrastructure, initiating re-industrialization, improving health services and boosting the education sector ' should naturally become a top priority.
Outside the country, worries have been expressed regarding the populist and nationalistic nature of a Jokowi leadership. A Jokowi government needs to assure the world that realism and pragmatism will also prevail.
As Megawati's presidency has shown (2001-2004), Indonesia recognized that the challenges confronting the country could not be sufficiently addressed without regional and international cooperation.
The PDI-P and Jokowi need to start sending messages that Indonesia's nationalism should not be seen as an expression of anti-foreign sentiment.
It only reflects the desire to preserve Indonesia's strategic autonomy as a sovereign state and place the country on equal footing with other nations.
The writer is executive director of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).
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