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recent survey released by Indo Barometer said that Indonesians preferred Soeharto’s “prosperous” and “stable” authoritarian rule to Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s more “democratic” government.

Sukarno’s presidency, which was marked by political turmoil and economic difficulties, ranked third.

The result of the survey mirrors the pragmatic attitude adopted by most Indonesians. In our minds, economy and security — a mantra that Soeharto used to mesmerize us for 32 years — were prime priorities.

No matter how much Soeharto, whose 90th anniversary was commemorated on Wednesday, silenced opposition and criticism, we were still fond of his policies on the affordable price of rice, inexpensive community health centers, family planning, decreasing illiteracy and an end to radicalism.

Yudhoyono’s first term merited credit. In the midst of reform euphoria when many factions with different agendas emerged from silence, he reflected the Indonesian mood in general. He played a gambit to always seek the middle path.

From his first appearance until now, Yudhoyono has represented neither civilians nor the military. The former soldier appears neither too stern nor too soft in people’s eyes. He does not always wear a badge on his breast. But he has not abandoned all his military attributes.

In fact, Yudhoyono seemed to compromise with many groups and interests. This can still be felt even now.

His political luck was bolstered by demands for conciliation among many differing groups amid a rising democratic tide. He made his fortune and won a second term.

Compared to Soeharto, Yudho-yono is of course much more democratic. Given the spirit of openness that has become the ethical standard of leadership, anybody can criticize his policies. Pundits, artists and commentators can now freely convey their disappointment without being afraid of jail or torture. By democratic standards, our current president is anything but a complainer in the public.

It was impossible to breathe in such a democratic air during Soeharto’s era. His control — like the control currently exercised by Middle Eastern dictators — was a nightmare for us.

As a university student, I, like most of my friends, felt that walls, streets, trees and even the sky seemed to be living beings that had ears and mouths to report any suspicious activities to the “mighty lord”.

Nobody dared to whisper an opinion on any subject critical of the regime. Political conversations and discussions were conducted carefully. Freedom was a luxury.

The reform era has given us what we we craved during the New Order period. But “slow economic recovery” in the aftermath of the crisis failed to satisfy our needs and demands.

Yudhoyono’s has not fulfilled all the promises he made while campaigning for a second term. We are not quite happy with him.

Soeharto often showed decisive leadership by filling his cabinet with many technocrats and professionals such as B.J. Habibie, Mukti Ali, Daud Jusuf, Emil Salim and many others.

Yudhoyono, however, has been compromised by various voices and interests, leaving him little room
to build his own image as a determined leader.

As a Javanese knight, he does indeed seek to create a harmonious political tone by avoiding explicit confrontation with political parties. He wants everyone to be happy — a tactic which often leads to everyone’s disappointment.

In the cabinet, he entrusted important positions to those who had neither expertise nor passion, such as at the Religious Affairs Ministry, the Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection Ministry and the Communications and Information Ministry.

Yudhoyono prefers to support those whose political capital can support his political stance as opposed to those whose expertise are needed in this country. Politics, not expertise, is the commander. His second term reflects this.

To make the waters muddier, there is a rumor that the First Lady wants to throw her hat in the ring during the next presidential election, but Yudhoyono himself has dismissed the speculation.

The prospects of Anas Urbaningrum, a young promising Democratic Party leader, were hampered by many who were not happy with fast regeneration.

Acceleration is not always a favorite. As a top democratic leader, he seems to be faced with many serious hurdles to overcome in his path to presidential bid.

The Indonesian economy is in a better mood now. The growth of the domestic market has been further boosted by an increase in consumption. They have almost forgotten the smell of crisis.

But the reputation of Yudhoyono’s party is has dropped from 20 percent in 2009 election to 18 percent, according to the survey conducted by the Indonesian Survey Institute. The status quo is engulfing the Democratic Party. Corruption issues are slowly marching on the ruling party.