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t would be difficult to expect the emergence of a fearless fighter for democracy and staunch advocate of human rights to equal the late Adnan Buyung Nasution, or '€œBuyung'€ for short. Buyung passed away Wednesday morning at Pondok Indah Hospital. When I visited the residence Wednesday evening, a reporter asked me whether the death of Bung Buyung would slow down the movement toward the enhancement of democracy and human rights in Indonesia.

'€œAnd what do you think of Buyung Nasution as a national figure? Is he a genuine person or just a showman who craved publicity?'€ I looked at this young news reporter (perhaps in his mid-20s) with an eager look waiting for my answer. I told him that the death of Buyung would inspire hundreds, perhaps thousands, of young people throughout Indonesia with a legal background to work either on a full-time basis or as part-time activists, to follow in his footsteps.

'€œHe was not a perfect person. He sometimes made some compromises. After all, he was heading a law firm that had to compete with almost a dozen first-class law firms in Jakarta.'€

However, I urged the reporter to see Buyung'€™s life story in its entirety.

After completing his law studies at the University of Indonesia, Buyung worked as a public prosecutor at the Special District Court of Jakarta from 1957 until 1961. He then moved to the Attorney General'€™s Office as the head of the public relations office. In that capacity, he was unexpectedly assigned to accompany then US attorney general Robert (Bob) Kennedy during his visit to several parts of Java.

President John Kennedy had assigned his younger brother to Jakarta in his efforts to seek a compromise in the Indonesia-Netherlands conflict on the status of West Irian.

It was through his appointment to the People'€™s Deliberation Council in 1966 that the name of Adnan Buyung Nasution became known to the public. One should know the political context of 1966 in order to appreciate Buyung'€™s role as a legislator. Of course, the People'€™s Consultative Assembly (MPR) was sanitized from members of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) and other radical elements.

The issue was: What to do with president Sukarno? Buyung and his friends insisted that Sukarno should be investigated by an open court, since there were adequate materials that indicated a political linkage between Sukarno and PKI general secretary Aidit in preparing the so-called September 30, 1965, movement. Aidit fled to Central Java and was later captured and shot.

For the first time Buyung was introduced to Gen. Soeharto'€™s step-by-step political style. He was against Buyung'€™s proposal to investigate Sukarno publicly. Soeharto had his own calculation. Sukarno still had fanatical followers who could create trouble.

A remarkable step in Buyung'€™s career was the establishment of the first legal aid and human rights organization in Indonesia in 1970. Known by the initials LBH (Lembaga Bantuan Hukum), then Jakarta governor Ali Sadikin was instrumental in setting up the LBH. Indonesians became aware that every citizen had equal rights before the law. It was the so-called Tanaka riots in January 1974 that catapulted Buyung'€™s name as a defender of democracy and human rights. It was a complicated story but here is the gist.

Japanese prime minister Kakuei Tanaka paid a working visit to Jakarta in January 1974. University students organized open-air meetings to criticize Japan'€™s excessive economic presence, displayed by large billboards. They demanded a more even spread and called for indigenous industry not to be bulldozed by foreign capital activities.

On Jan. 15, 1974, all hell broke loose. Apparently the legitimate student demonstrations were somehow hijacked by unknown parties and led to destructive actions. Senen market was burned. Showrooms of Japanese cars were destroyed. After Tanaka left, the military struck back. Hundreds of students were arrested. Buyung made fiery statements, pleading that innocent persons should not be harmed. Consequently, he too was put in detention. It took some time to overcome the incident known as Malari. Unknown to the public, a certain rift within the military between the reformers and the rest had to be settled.

Apparently, president Soeharto was worried that the reformers were exploiting the students and vocal intellectuals like Buyung would put their message across that a renewal of the New Order regime should be implemented. After it was all over, apparently some friends advised Buyung to leave the country for a while in order to cool off the heated relationship between Soeharto, his main assistants and Buyung.

He got an opportunity to do graduate studies at Utrecht University in the Netherlands. He succeeded in producing an excellent dissertation with the title '€œThe Aspiration for a Constitutional Government in Indonesia'€. It shows that Buyung was not merely a trouble maker for his own interest or just to draw the public'€™s attention. His excellent dissertation at Utrecht shows the scholarly aspect of Buyung.

He was unusually restrained lately. It could be his medical treatment, undergoing haemodialysis three times a week. In a short conversation he showed his disillusionment with the current situation. '€œPeople that I knew before suddenly change when they get hold of some power to make decisions. And what'€™s the matter with the press? Can'€™t you be more aggressive and more probing in untangling the funny cases that are happening?'€

I accept his reprimand. However, I want to assure Buyung that a new generation is emerging in public life and in the media that is dedicated to upholding democracy and human rights. A new generation that will also remember Buyung as a pioneer that ought to be followed.
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The writer is senior editor of The Jakarta Post.