W

hether because of poor performance or simply being treated as sacrificial lambs, a number of senior government officials in the administration of President Joko '€œJokowi'€ Widodo have, over the course of the year, been removed from the corridors of power '€” some after just a few months.

As the most junior member in the Great Indonesia Coalition, it was logical that the NasDem Party should suffer the greatest loss when Jokowi reshuffled his Cabinet in August.

When the President decided to appoint his right-hand man Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan as coordinating political, legal and security affairs minister, it was NasDem Party politician Tedjo Edhy Purdijatno who was told to make way.

Tedjo was for many a disaster waiting to happen. He is a loose cannon known for his controversial remarks liable to raise public outrage, including his comments on this year'€™s stand-off between the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and the National Police.

Tedjo, a former Navy commander, described KPK supporters, who were up in arms following the police'€™s controversial move to name KPK commissioners criminal suspects, as '€œnondescript people'€. He also publicly called commission top brass '€œchildish'€ for encouraging supporters to protest.

As the head of the National Police Commission (Kompolnas), an institution whose duties include issuing recommendations on senior police appointments, Tedjo has repeatedly refused to take the blame for the failure to detect suspicious transactions in bank accounts belonging to National Police chief candidate Comr. Gen. Budi Gunawan.

In December, Tedjo also drew ire from human rights campaigners after stating that past human rights abuse cases did not need closure

The KPK-National Police standoff took its toll with the sacking of KPK leaders Bambang Widjojanto and Abraham Samad, a move widely seen as paving the way for Budi, once an aide to Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri, to elude prosecution and become deputy National Police chief.

Other casualties in the high-level game of political chess were professionals like University of Indonesia professor Andrinof Chaniago, who was also an aide to Jokowi during his presidential campaign, Indroyono Susilo, a former executive at the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), and businessman Rachmat Gobel. The three lost their positions as Cabinet ministers in the August shake-up.

During his tenure as head of the National Development Planning Board, or Bappenas, Andrinof colluded with Jokowi in bringing Bappenas under the direct authority of the president to allow better coordination and monitoring on government development projects. Bappenas was initially under the coordinating economic minister. As well as Bappenas, Jokowi has also placed the Development Finance Comptroller (BPKP), which initially was under the finance minister, under his direct authority. and established the Presidential Staff Unit.

Also falling victim to collateral damage was Cabinet secretary Andi Widjajanto, who was removed from his position because the PDI-P felt he was blocking party access to the President.

Andi, who is a defense expert and academician, is the son of late PDI-P grandee Theo Syafei, and was replaced by Pramono Anung, a senior politician from the ruling party.

Andi was among key players in Jokowi'€™s transition team, which was led by Rini Soemarno, who was later appointed to lead the State-Owned Enterprises Ministry. Both Andi and Rini also helped Jokowi to form the Cabinet.

Replacing Andi with Pramono was, according to political communication expert Gun Gun Heryanto, not necessarily a case of Jokowi bowing to PDI-P pressure. '€œ[However], Jokowi should be able to use [Pramono] as a tool to ensure smooth communication with the PDI-P,'€ Gun Gun said.

Unlike Andi, Rini is a survivor, if not a winner, of this government'€™s first year in power, in spite of the PDI-P'€™s constant hounding.

Rini, a former president director of giant conglomerate Astra International, was made trade minister in 2001 by then president Megawati. The two women are said to have fallen out and are no longer on speaking terms, leading to the party'€™s current hostile treatment of Rini.

Another winner is Rizal Ramli, economic minister between 2000 and 2001 when the country was recovering from the 1997-1998 Asian financial crisis, who took up the coordinating maritime affairs ministerial seat in the reshuffle.

Rizal is a veteran and unapologetic critic of government policies, and indeed just one day after the reshuffle Rizal laid into the program to increase electricity production by 35,000 megawatts, irritating Vice President Jusuf Kalla, one of the main initiators of the program.

The tension heightened a week later, just before a meeting of the reshuffled Cabinet. While during the meeting Jokowi reminded all present about the distinct lines between the tasks of a minister, a coordinating minister and a vice president, the Palace was apparently not willing to squander the opportunity Rizal presented, and released an immediate statement to the effect that Rizal would continue to be critical of government targets and policies.

No one knew what exactly happened during the meeting, but Rizal seemed unabashed, claiming that he and Kalla had settled their differences.

The President also made space in the Cabinet for businessman Thomas Trikasih Lembong, whom the Western media describe as '€œHarvard-educated and urbane'€, and who has advised Jokowi on economic issues in the past. In August, Jokowi appointed him trade minister, replacing Rachmat.

Many forecast that Thomas will be aided in his position by his experience cofounding, in 2005, Quvat Management Pte Ltd., a Singapore-based private equity firm focusing on investment in small to medium-sized companies in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore and specializing in growth capital and buyout investments.

Also making headlines in recent months was state port operator PT Pelindo II president director RJ Lino, who, like Rini, weathered the slings and arrows of opponents, and indeed managed to get in a counterpunch that knocked out at least one combatant.

In spite of Jokowi'€™s public anger over failure to cut average dwelling times at Tanjung Priok port, Lino remained in his position at the expense of a police general widely considered one of the force'€™s most powerful.

Lino'€™s ties to Kalla, according to many observers, helped him stay in his position and undermined a graft probe launched by then National Police detective chief Comr. Gen. Budi Waseso.

Following a raid at his office, Lino contacted new National Development Planning Minister Sofyan Djalil, who is among Kalla'€™s confidants, in protest; Kalla subsequently ordered Budi to drop the case. Not only did Budi have to suffer the humiliation of dropping a high-profile investigation, he was also transferred from the detective division to become head of the National Narcotics Agency (BNN).