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'Maritime colonialism' with Chinese characteristics
The geopolitical environment in the South China Sea is transforming into a new stage of contestation not only among claimants of sovereignty over disputed territories but also among major powers
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he geopolitical environment in the South China Sea is transforming into a new stage of contestation not only among claimants of sovereignty over disputed territories but also among major powers. China's ambition to control the South China Sea as its historic right has been challenged by the US 'freedom of navigation' operations, while Japan, India and Russia also seek to enhance their influence in Southeast Asia.
For the ASEAN countries, territorial disputes and maritime security have always been resolved on the basis of norms and rules of international law, starting with the Cambodian conflict to overlapping sovereignty claims between Indonesia and Malaysia on the islands of Sipadan and Ligitan.
Today, we witness China capitalizing on the South China Sea as a springboard for global domination. For Indonesia and its neighbors, balancing national and regional interests in the face of China's rise has to do with not only future interdependence between their economies, but also traditional and non-traditional security issues among Southeast Asian countries and between the major powers.
Indonesia and most other ASEAN countries see China's position on the South China Sea issue as reflecting an attitude of stubbornly hiding behind historical rights that undermine international law, apart from reflecting a quarrel between Washington and Beijing. China's unilateral acts in the South China Sea are blamed for an escalating arms race among Asian nations and for massive environmental impacts following the building of artificial islands in the Spratly Islands.
Yet we cannot expect Beijing to follow other countries in conflict resolution.
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Declaring the South China Sea as a non-military area, [...] should be in line with President Xi Jinping's [...]statements ...
One can identify two reasons behind Beijing's assertive behavior in the region. First, China is practicing 'maritime colonialism' by rejecting calls to reduce tensions in the South China Sea, in a bid to dominate the world's busiest sea lane of communication. Second, China is improving its physical security to block external threats and interference.
China's actions resemble Western colonialism in projecting domination, spreading adversity and rapacity, including attempts to steer language, capital, patronage, trade, education and cultural influence, combining military, political and cultural forces. Deploying warships and surface-to-air missiles in the South China Sea reflects China's position as conqueror of the sea, undermining the Declaration of the Code of Conduct that ASEAN and China agreed on, to pursue resolutions and reduce tensions in the area.
When Europeans came to Asia to expand trade and, later on, to colonize the region, no colonial power of the 15th century incorporated the South China Sea as their domain. Even the expansionist Japanese never sought to control the South China Sea and the features within it, as most of the islands are uninhabited and some have never sustained life.
The Chinese strategy in the area involves delaying tactics that escalate involvement of non-claimants, including external powers.
A dispute between Washington and Beijing is playing out, the region of the South China Sea is penetrated by the great powers, and we are also seeing the establishment of a new world economic order, such as the 57-member Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, with strong backing of Western countries. Japan's new security posture in response to changes in the strategic environment on the Korean Peninsula, the rise of China, Russia and India, and the escalating tension in the East and South China Sea, are prompting Japan to seek stronger strategic cooperation.
For Indonesia and ASEAN, the dynamic engagement of the US, Japan, China, India and Russia in the region raises the need for equilibrium, not only among the major powers, but also between them and Southeast Asia. Yet we must understand that Beijing's efforts to maximize influence do not make China an enemy looking for open conflict in the South China Sea.
Indonesia and ASEAN must redouble efforts in confidence-building, not only by persuading China to work sincerely toward the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea, but also by convincing other great powers to restrain from disruptive activities.
One idea for Indonesia and ASEAN is to work on declaring the territories that are subject to overlapping sovereignty claims as non-military areas in accordance with ASEAN's doctrine of a Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality (ZOPFAN). Declaring the South China Sea as a non-military area, with acknowledgement of 'innocent passage' of foreign ships, should be in line with President Xi Jinping's and other Chinese leaders' continuous statements that China will not militarize the South China Sea.
We cannot rely on repeated pledges not to militarize the area without concrete political gestures toward practical peaceful resolution.
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The writer is a senior journalist and chair of the foundation for the Center for Chinese Studies.
