Run: Many enjoyed themselves on Independence Day in Bali
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Red and white kites soared and patriotic songs boomed from pos kamling (neighborhood security posts) in residential areas.
This display of nationalist spirit also spread into the virtual world, with people replacing the handsome, stylish photos on their instant messenger clients with pictures of various versions of the Red and White.
Nationalist quotes attributed to Sukarno, master orator and the country’s first president, were displayed on Facebook pages or shared through BlackBerry messenger.
The Balinese love their culture, heritage and ethnicity practically to the level of suicidal chauvinism. So this open display of affectionate allegiance to the republic, in which Bali and its predominantly Hindu culture is but a mere minority, is more than enough to disorient a political observer.
“Bali has had its fair share of disappointment in its relations with the republic. But unlike Aceh and Papua, where the disappointment turned to resentment and eventually bloody conflicts, in Bali the disappointment has never escalated to that level,” sociologist and political observer Putu Suasta said.
The unfair distribution of wealth, in which a large majority of tourism revenue goes to the central government in Jakarta, has fueled a simmering rage here for decades. A similar problem has triggered armed uprisings in Aceh and Papua. In Bali, an increasing number of people have spoken out against that injustice, but none have suggested launching a rebellion.
The cry of “Bali Merdeka” for an independent Bali has never received a warm welcome, even during critical periods when the Balinese felt that the central government or the republic had failed to protect Balinese cultural and religious rights.
The first time was in 1998 following a statement made by Habibie’s minister, AM Saefuddin, playing down Megawati’s presidential bid, accusing her of being Hindu and stating that Indonesia was not willing to accept a Hindu president.
Following those comments, massive street demonstrations occurred for days in Bali demanding Saefuddin’s resignation. There were calls for an independent state, but the majority of Balinese still believed in the republic.
The second time was in 2006 when legislators from certain parties pushed for the controversial anti-pornography bill. Balinese felt the bill’s articles and moral definitions were based on Islamic teachings and would threaten both freedom of religion and expression.
Influential Balinese figure Satria Naradha rejected the increasing calls for “Bali Merdeka” at that time, arguing that it was the anti-pornography bill’s proponents that should be expelled from the republic, as they had betrayed the nation’s diversity and multiculturalism.
“The fact that a large majority of Balinese are living in good conditions, have good jobs and good educations is the primary factor why the call for ‘Bali Merdeka’ has never received significant support,” Suasta said.
Another factor lies in the belief that the republic was controlled by nationalist forces.
“The ruling party and most of the major parties are nationalist parties. If the Islam-based parties win an election, then the Balinese may start having other ideas about their relationship with the republic,” he said.
For now, the possibility of religion-based parties winning the general election is slim, and Balinese youth continue hoisting the Red and White with pride.
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