H

alf a century ago, president Sukarno articulated what Indonesia should strive toward. His Trisakti principles envisioned an Indonesia sovereign in its politics, independent in regard to its economy and distinct in its cultural character '€” noble goals our president-elect has adopted as the cri de coeur of the Indonesian people.

However, the headlines gracing our dailies reveal the daunting challenges he is up against. The political elite seem to have abandoned any pretense of operating upon underlying ethics. Free-wheeling decentralization has fragmentized the country'€™s populace more than at independence. No one of sane mind could today conceive seeing a Buginese regent in Aceh or an Acehnese regent in South Sulawesi, though these two have so much in common.

Contemporary Indonesia has forsaken Trisakti; it is instead being encouraged to reap satisfaction from owning Lamborghinis, Ferraris and glitzy mansions that would put Monaco to shame. Those lower on the ladder glean self-esteem by displaying their latest gadgets.

As John Galbraith had foreseen decades ago, the industrial state, with full complicity of the media, continues to shape preferences for ever greater consumption. By promoting a middle class preoccupied with its own consumption, the rentier-rich have been able to continue expropriating surplus-value off the hardworking poor.

Indonesia, with such natural abundance that it was once touted as a belt of diamonds on the equator, now finds itself dependent on food and energy imports. This dependency is the product of centuries of inculcation produced by the capitalistic mode of production.

In '€œmodern'€ Indonesia, '€œrapid growth'€ has been the major policy objective. This is why we still have such stark regional disparity '€“ despite more than a decade of regional autonomy. Jakarta real estate attracts funds actually designated to fight poverty in Papua and other such regions. Thus, persistent poverty should come as no surprise '€” it is inherent in the exploitative nature of capitalism. Poverty in the tropics is neither due to geography nor to culture, it'€™s pre-ordained by the feudalistic and colonial extractive institutions that always reinvent themselves.

These economic, as well as other unquestionable, commandments, undermine Indonesia'€™s sovereignty. Corporations operating in Indonesia, often get away with murder. Maximizing profits, they now convince regents '€” just as plantation giants during the colonial period managed to get native regents to dispossess poor farmers, to grab huge swaths of fertile land.

The same applies to other imported ideologies eager to undermine our nation-state. Romanticizing their 15 minutes of fame in faraway lands in days of yore, these people preach intolerance to fragmentize the country using primordial sentiments. These precepts break apart the bedazzling mosaic that is Indonesia by constantly pushing issues of officials'€™ ethnicity and religion as well as vilifying Indonesia'€™s flag and national anthem.

This degradation of character is the main reason we have lost our way. We have forgotten what our forefathers fought for, bedazzled by our own hedonism. To maintain our lifestyles, we have adopted the exploitative ways of their oppressors '€” we liquidate the environment and steal from the poor.

Facing a hostile House of Representatives, president-elect Joko '€œJokowi'€ Widodo now needs to produce a well thought-through and mature Cabinet to convincingly demonstrate his commitment toward the people. By adopting a people-lens and focusing on extending a helping hand to the Marhaen (President Sukarno'€™s term embodying the hardworking peasant) instead of playing into the hands of the magnates, Jokowi can truly demonstrate how his alignment with the working class is more than just lip service.

For many years now, concepts such as agrarian reform have evolved in the policy domain. However, previous presidents have been repeatedly thwarted in their attempts to craft redistributive policies. With extractive institutions, rapacious rentiers, and self-serving politicians still afoot, it is feared that Jokowi may not be able to escape the confines dictated by path-dependency.

How can he avoid such a fate? The answer actually hinges on whether or not he possesses the wherewithal to solidify the requisite political capacity and implement Indonesian people-driven development. Wherein all policies drafted, institutions designed, and technology crafted '€” or transferred-in, are driven by the needs and capacities of the majority of the people.

Does he have the moral courage to uproot deeply entrenched interests? The potential is certainly there.

How shall he proceed, then? He should resolutely weed his inner circle of greed and incompetence, demonstrating that his '€œmental revolution'€ does indeed start with oneself. By embodying the change he wants see around him, he should now reach out to fellow citizens with proven track records of serving the people and standing up for the ideals of the nation.

Indonesia'€™s diversity should be reflected in the Trisakti Cabinet such that it serves as a solidarity maker to lay strong foundations under our revitalized nation and character-building thrust. With self-control of the highest order exhibited in his previous positions, there is no doubt that Jokowi holds the key to true Indonesian national and character building.

What are his chances of success? Very good; through leading by example, Jokowi will inspire the young, especially students, to become bona fide Indonesian citizens who reject all forms of corruption and divisive ploys.

By continuing to be transparent and accessible to all, Jokowi should be able to affect change through building capacity-from-within while civil society would ensure that the course is on the straight and narrow by maintaining pressure-from-without.

Despite dire threats of path-dependency, the people are pinning high hopes on Jokowi to deliver widespread prosperity. The decisions he makes over the next few days will determine how the Indonesian people remember him. Merdeka!