I

ndonesian politics is characterized by its hugger-mugger nature, filled with distortions, strange associations, devious scheming and inflexible standpoints.

Yet, it always seems to peak from a seemingly intractable brink into a finely balanced finale that may not please all, but is ultimately acceptable to everyone.

Last week was again an example of Indonesian politics at its best, and worst. The rudiments of Comr. Gen. Budi Gunawan'€™s nomination as police chief were more enticing than a John le Carré conspiracy.

Whether he was placed or he put himself in that position, President Joko '€œJokowi'€ Widodo found himself at an impasse that would either dent his public support or risk impairing the backing of his alliance.

Like all good past (Indonesian) leaders, he found an exit strategy that placated immediate concerns, reduced tensions on all sides and bought him enough time to divert fickle headlines and the public'€™s fleeting attention span to other issues '€” the execution of drug convicts and the lowering of fuel prices.

It just shows that sometimes in politics it is good to make a stand without actually publicly taking one.

A Javanese credo '€” nabok nyilih tangan '€” submits to purging unwanted elements by other means.

What one wouldn'€™t have given to be a fly-on-the-wall on Thursday and Friday as the palace doors saw more activity than the entrance of a local mall, with politicians and national figures rotating options and demands in those final,
key hours.

Despite the apparent insistence of Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri and NasDem Party chairman Surya Paloh to go ahead with the appointment of Budi Gunawan, the fact that it was veteran PDI-P figure Pramono Anung who was central in the final discussions foretold much.

The seasoned politician is a negotiator, a lobbyist, a man sent to get things done, not be an ideological enforcer.

'€œWe want an option taken that will not cause tensions between institutions,'€ Pramono said on Friday afternoon at the palace.

The end result was an appeasement that firmly secured the President'€™s position and shifted the spotlight firmly onto the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).

Jokowi'€™s reputation is dented but still intact, his political alliance jarred but still secure, and his next step is simply to follow the legal findings of the KPK.

Former US president Ronald Reagan was dubbed the '€œTeflon president'€ for his ability to deflect criticism and blame.

He was a great communicator, giving people what they wanted to hear, and was able to connect with the masses. It was a gift as much as it was the hard work of the White House staff to underline his strengths in speech copy, albeit not necessarily in policy.

Jokowi is not such a great communicator, but through his presence he has the ability to connect unlike any other Indonesian leader, arguably since Sukarno.

Soeharto used batons and fear, Abdurrahman '€œGus Dur'€ Wahid employed witticisms to keep the public intrigued, while Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono brought stability and rode the wave of high commodity prices to mark his presidency.

There are three factors that go into the making of Indonesia'€™s very own Teflon president.

First is his sheer unexplainable popularity. Without any clear rhyme or reason, people just love this president. His style of blusukan (impromptu visits), his dressing-down attire and lack of decorum all
contribute to the myth.

A degree of staging is required to maximize impact, but it is a gift that cannot be bought nor manufactured. Some politicians have it in part, most don'€™t have a clue about it. Jokowi has it in abundance.

Second is the ability to turn a short-term crisis into a rallying point to strengthen one'€™s image. There will always be critics of any policy decision, yet finding reasonable concurrence from supporters and detractors turns threats into opportunities.

The exit strategy to the chief-of-police controversy did just enough to not wholly damage the President'€™s image, and to some degree, even served to harness it.

Third is the absence of a viable political alternative. Since his days as Surakarta mayor, Jakarta governor and then presidential candidate, Jokowi has filled a void previously occupied by low-performance incumbents or unpalatable coalitions.

Yet we should also realize that the Teflon president label is equally a fable.

Reagan was culpable for high unemployment, the Iran-Contra affair and the recession that ensued.

According to Gallup, his average approval rating while in office was 52.8 percent, behind the likes of presidents Dwight Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, Bill Clinton and George HW Bush.

Opinion polls in the post-Budi Gunawan scandal have yet to be released. Yet the monitoring of online chats and tweets gives an interesting immediate perspective.

Data from Provetic '€” a Jakarta-based Internet monitoring and strategic consulting company '€” indicates an interesting trend.

From Nov. 1, 2014 to Jan. 15, 2015, some 1.4 million tweets were related to the President out of which 58 percent referred to the President neutrally. In those months, positive sentiments were much higher (25 percent vs 17 percent).

That was until Jan. 15, in the wake of the KPK announcing Budi a suspect. That was the first time negative tweets rose higher than positive ones.

The President may well remember that while image is a valid part of his political arsenal, myths on popularity are often a diagnostic error, and his term is far too long for him to ride on the coat tails of sheer public faith alone.