A

/span>Author Jason Pine delves into the life of the Camorra mafia organization in Naples, Italy.

In his book, The Art of Making Do in Naples, Pine opens with neomelodica music that is close to a Mafia-type criminal organization, the Cammorra. Neomelodica music is an unconventional form of culture industry powered by DIY production, reproduction and circulation techniques.

Camorristi, the moniker for people who belong to the group, operate between the public and underground realms in the city. Particularly, Pine uses the term “concealment” when Neapolitans become involved with illegal activities or wrongdoing. Illicit activity includes selling contraband, an important practice to support the livelihoods and networks of families and communities.

Unlike modern organizations, Camorra territory is based on familial society. In addition, as in organized crime, the “back stage” in Camorra refers to relations that include inciting fear in the stranger and inconstant flirtations. Most importantly, although the nature of the back stage is secretive, a sense of the Camorra is everywhere, as indicated in the title of one of Pine’s chapters, “Where there is money, there is Camorra”.

The group has a long history. It became an open network organization for political and economic elites in the 18th century until they lost prominence, after which time it became associated with the lower classes and was famed for maintaining public order during the Napoleonic occupation in Italy. More recently, the Camorra has become a meeting point for the two worlds, as its leaders belong neither to criminal organizations nor local elite politics.

The Camorra bears a similarity with Indonesian and Southeast Asian “gangs”, which conduct illicit economic activities that link to the formal political world. This combination leads to the flourishing of corruption and nepotism as these organizations act as the “middlemen” connecting the “underworld” to legitimate politics.

The existence of this Neapolitan middleman perhaps indicates the weakness of law enforcement and lack of transparency. Indeed, the activities of the Camorristi highlight that weak law enforcement can operate between the flexibility of traditional lives in dealing with modern bureaucracy.

The Camorra is effectively beyond the law since it combines exhibitionism on the one hand with secrecy on the other. The way in which Camorristi operate in political and economic spheres is littered with rumor mixed with elements of truth, like former Italian prime minister Silvio Berlusconi’s political record.

This, then, is the paradox: The Camorra has to advertise its connection to the underground system, even though it does not inhabit that realm. However, it is only by doing this that the organization can gain the economic and political leverage to gain public power. Berlusconi will never say he made his fortune from Mafia money and bribes, but it is an open secret.

Referring to Canadian sociologist Erving Goffman, the Camorra plays between the concept of “on stage” and “back stage”. The Camorristi are aware of their audience, which includes the police and broader society; therefore, they outwardly maintain their manners and appearance as good citizens of Naples.

When they are backstage, they can assume their real characters. No non-Camorristi can access the backstage area. In fact, the Camorristi use many methods to ensure that the area is secure. And there is fierce loyalty among the Camorristi.