Just a year ago, such a move would have been unthinkable under a US administration that seemed determined to hold Moscow accountable.

Yet with the resurgence of populist politics and imperial behavior around the globe, we now find ourselves in a period of geopolitical uncertainty that demands quick action and a dose of realism.

We believe it is time for President Prabowo Subianto’s administration to decisively define its approach toward Washington and act without delay to safeguard our national interests.

Indonesia’s growing ties with the Global South, crowned by our recent steps toward BRICS membership, have so far served us well by enriching our circle of economic and diplomatic partners.

However, the renewed warmth between US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin raises fresh challenges.

There is even talk of a second Yalta conference involving China, potentially reshaping global spheres of influence in ways that no single nation can ignore.

For Indonesia, hopes of resuming the Sukhoi acquisition process from Russia could reemerge, but we must be mindful of the risks this entails in a fickle world where major powers can shift alliances swiftly.

A former researcher for the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Evan A. Laksmana, argued in a 2019 commentary in The Jakarta Post that the success of Indonesia’s foreign policy hinged on strong alignment of defense, diplomacy and the economy.

This reminder is all the more pertinent now, as another analyst recently observed a “full-throated reversal of globalization” spearheaded by Trump’s America.

For decades, Southeast Asia, and Indonesia in particular, benefited from global trade flows that spurred industrial growth and job creation. As global supply chains appear at risk of contracting, we must be smart about engaging Washington while preserving the progress we have made.

India recently provided a compelling model when Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Washington bearing gifts and a straightforward request for tariff exemptions.

A Reuters report found that this charm offensive helped secure improved trade terms for India, sparing New Delhi from the worst of Trump’s unpredictable policies.

Indonesia should follow suit. We, like other ASEAN nations, must avoid being singled out by the US for any trade violations or surpluses that attract scrutiny.

Wednesday’s de facto lifting of the Apple iPhone 16 ban in Indonesia stands as a timely signal that we are aware of how easily we could land in Trump’s crosshairs if we do not tread carefully.

Yet an even bigger lesson lies in how we should reshape our trade policy. The world may continue to fixate on high-stakes diplomatic maneuvers, but trade remains Indonesia’s most direct channel to economic security and resilience.

Embracing India’s strategy means balancing our recent diplomatic recalibrations with practical measures to keep supply chains robust and ensure that our markets stay open to mutually beneficial agreements.

Indonesia has unique competitive advantages, from a growing digital economy to a vast consumer base, which can be leveraged if we play our cards right.

To that end, President Prabowo would be wise to tap into the expertise of the nation’s diplomatic corps, aligning it closely with his defense and economic planners. He should swiftly appoint professional ambassadors to the US, China and Russia.

Outside insights can be powerful as well. Think tanks, non-state actors and like-minded partners are ready to offer support in areas we are evidently lacking. When in doubt, consult those who can help navigate these turbulent times.

Indonesia must not be caught unprepared as the world seemingly moves toward new spheres of influence.

By acting now, the Prabowo administration can steer Indonesia confidently through this changing landscape, ensuring that our nation does not merely survive but thrives in the emerging world order.