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News Analysis: What vice is there in a deputy foreign minister?

Whether political or practical expedience, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's consideration to create a deputy foreign minister post seems a sensible move given the expected demands of future diplomacy and the public's reinvigorated interest in foreign policy

Meidyatama Suryodiningrat (The Jakarta Post)
Cambridge, Massachussets
Thu, March 27, 2008 Published on Mar. 27, 2008 Published on 2008-03-27T01:02:19+07:00

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Whether political or practical expedience, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's consideration to create a deputy foreign minister post seems a sensible move given the expected demands of future diplomacy and the public's reinvigorated interest in foreign policy.

It is neither novel nor unique. Many other nations provide such a post and talk of such a post, with a state minister acting as an aide to the foreign minister, has been privately discussed in Indonesia in the past.

If we expect Indonesian diplomacy to progress beyond the perennial criticism of being 'reactive' and perfunctory then such post is a necessity.

In an era where diplomacy is no longer the exclusive domain of professional diplomats, there needs to be an outlet other than the foreign minister to address the increasing participation of domestic constituents -- from the private and legislative side.

Gone are the days where the foreign minister was a 'one man show', harking back to the eras of Adam Malik, Mochtar Kusumaatmadja and Ali Alatas.

The role of deputy foreign ministry must adhere to a different principle from the 'traditional' vice president, whose main task is to step in when the president is incapacitated, but in the meantime is largely bereft of executive power.

The nature of the responsibilities faced by the Foreign Ministry is unique, compared to other ministries, making the presence of a deputy post more urgent.

Lawmakers are right to contend the new post must acquire ministerial or cabinet status. To suggest anything less would mean a redundant bureaucratic layer, which could already be filled by the Foreign Ministry's Secretary/Inspector General.

Arguments to the contrary only reflect a fear of competition between the two most senior foreign policy individuals and a refusal to open the ministry to outside influence. Foreign Ministry officials should not claim a 'birth right' to the deputy post in the same way the foreign minister is a political appointee.

As the American experience has also shown, out of the 66 U.S. Secretary of States only Lawrence Eagleburger was a career diplomat and even then he was only a recess appointment.

Neither is the Deputy Secretary of State a career position nor necessarily preparation for Secretary of State.

Of the 14 Deputy Secretary of States few were career diplomats. Only Eagleburger and Warren Christopher eventually became Secretary of State.

The U.S. Congress created this position in 1972. Nominees are confirmed by the Senate. While the specific duties have varied over time, the Deputy Secretary of State generally acts as the State Department's chief operating officer, can represent the Department before Congress and serve as an alter ego to the Secretary of State.

It is unique the deputies have tended to be men of high standing and professional character, whose political gravitas are not eclipsed by the State Secretary. This includes men like Christopher, Robert Zoellick, Richard L. Armitage and incumbent John D. Negroponte.

Fears of duality in leadership are warranted when appointing a 'strong' candidate, but the U.S. experience has shown true leaders also make for loyal followers.

The British Foreign Secretary, on the other hand, is assisted by four state ministers tasked with specific regional or issue-based responsibilities. State secretaries are political appointments, but not of Cabinet rank, who occupy seats either in the upper or lower House.

Consequently this should provide the Foreign Office a better liaison with parliament.

The Foreign Secretary is also assisted by a Permanent Under-Secretary of State who heads the diplomatic corps.

What is clear from these experiences is given the established importance of the foreign affairs department, its top echelons are always filled with candidates who are not only capable but can also serve the all important task to the legislative and public lobby.

It is also evident that while the administrative duties are important, a deputy foreign minister should not be overcome by organizational demands.

In the Indonesian case, such tasks can be carried out, under the present structure, by the Secretary General who in most cases should be the highest ranked bureaucrat in the ministry.

If Yudhoyono, as his aides claim, seeks a deputy foreign minister to advise him and represent Indonesia in the absence of the foreign minister, then someone who simply fills the administrative qualifications because of their career longevity on the bureaucratic ladder will not suffice.

The author, a staff writer with The Jakarta Post, is studying at Harvard University as a research fellow with the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs.

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