On April 7, myanmar-now.org cited “numerous reports all over the country of bodies being destroyed by the military before families could identify them or perform religious rites.” A family member said soldiers handed them a pile of charred bones, saying they were of their missing relative. The next day’s report was of the detention of a 4-year-old and her other relatives because the Tatmadaw could not locate her father, an official of Aung San Suu Kyi’s party, the National League for Democracy, the victory of which in the November general election was not recognized by the military.

“We’ve been here before,” says founding editor-in-chief of The Irrawaddy, Aung Zaw. Before the 2007 Saffron Revolution led by monks, thousands were killed in protests in 1988. The military’s war with ethnic groups fighting for greater autonomy has lasted more than 70 years; now they face citizens across towns and villages, a civil disobedience movement involving even high-ranking officials and reportedly a few defectors among soldiers.

As leaders and diplomats grapple  over wording and sanctions on Myanmar to avoid ruffling the big powers,  it’s the youth of one of the poorest nations who are showing valuable lessons for us —   richer Asian citizens with a higher average level of education.

It’s that once you have gone so far to achieve some democracy, you hold on to it for dear life — literally.

You don’t give it up for a shortcut to “stability” just because fellow citizens are said to be “not ready” for democracy.  You don’t give popular elected leaders a virtual blank check just because there are too few good guys and as “too much freedom” has unleashed demagogues, too many hoaxes, annoying vigilantes and even terrorists. 

With help from Myanmar’s  veterans of “1988”, today’s adults and their younger brothers and sisters remember — the last time Myanmar’s people had to cede power to the military, the junta stayed put for 30 years, says Debbie Stothard of ALTSEAN Burma, which campaigns on the region’s human rights.

Southeast Asia’s young peers may have provided some inspiration— the youth who dismissed elders’ warnings against joining protests and to stay safe at home — or who instead have encouraged the grey hairs of earlier rebellions back on to the streets, sharing the three-finger salute as in Thailand.

The Tatmadaw’s brutality has ironically sparked cautious optimism. Although Myanmar is “back to square one”, said Aung Zaw in a Friday webinar, he sees a glimmer of hope in “three to five years” — not 20 years as in the aftermath of “1988”.Through the latest coup the Tatmadaw had made itself illegitimate.

Indonesians may be thankful that kidnapping and wanton murder by the military is largely history (except in Papua) and it’s the civilian politicians earning the brunt of public mockery and ire.

But besides the general disinterest of anything political beyond one’s backyard — except for empathy with fellow Muslims of Palestine or the Rohingya — we are busy with our own troubles of “democratic backsliding” to really heed calls for cross border solidarity.

So let’s absorb the lessons from Myanmar’s people, who have reclaimed their votes with a new government, albeit in hiding and facing the death penalty on charges of treason, and a new constitution. Maybe congratulations are in order but clear information is lacking. The Committee for Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw stated the 2008 constitution justifying the Tatmadaw’s power obsolete and people burned copies of the document.

It is young people who have led calls for “a genuine federal democratic system with greater unity along ethnic and religious lines”, Stothard told me, adding there were even expressions of apology for the massive human rights abuses against the Rohingya.

Anyone wondering about an “Asian way” or “ASEAN way” out of Myanmar’s troubles needs only look to the demands and ingenuity of the people. Their demands are the basics of the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration adopted by the regional group almost a decade ago; while the diverse protest methods show persistent efforts of ordinary men and women despite the internet blockage, daily hardships and sheer risk to life and limb.

Hopefully such persistence filters up to ASEAN leaders in their planned summit on Myanmar, as they are constantly in a rut when facing a crisis, because all members must agree to everything they say and do. Of course here’s the catch — ASEAN’s less democratic governments are wary of all the talk of democracy and human rights raised by citizens and global netizens of the Milk Tea Alliance (MTA). The MTA, named after the popular Southeast Asian drink, either hot or cold, plain or bubbly, brings together young people challenging authoritarian trends in Asia, where they also share the spirit of resistance and tactics.

After the more peaceful banging of pots and pans, people have fought back with anything available. Congregations join mass prayers for peace. Red paint splashed on the roads aim to tell the troops that eventually “they will drown in our blood,” a resident tells CNN. People have held up messages of defiance scribbled on Easter eggs and flower boards.

Locals clap in unison to honor the fallen or embattled groups or figures, tanks were blocked with piles of garbage and unpredictable “guerrilla strikes” have appeared in separate neighborhoods, disappearing as troops approached, followed by the next unsuspected rally elsewhere.

It seems thoughtless to post “stay strong” or “keep fighting” to people who have lost so much already.

But staying aloof is not an option just because “we’ve been there”. “If revolutions can spread”, said leading human rights advocate Veronica Koman, “so can authoritarianism”.

Though a junta is unimaginable here, Indonesians are nevertheless struggling to reclaim hard won freedoms, supposedly guaranteed in our amended 1945 Constitution. The people of Myanmar remind us, don’t ever let your guard down.

 ***

The writer is a freelance journalist.

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