Seizing power through a coup is the most primitive way of replacing a government. Thailand is a great nation that has never been colonized and its economic growth has won international praises for decades. Thailand’s path to democracy, however, has faced a persistent challenge from the military that has launched a coup nearly 20 times so far, the most recent in May 2014 was led by Prayut.

For Myanmar’s generals Prayut is highly regarded as a role model in toppling a democratically elected government. He has also used force and tricks to stay in power as long as he wishes, perhaps until younger generals force him to step down because they want to get their turn. Since he wrested power people at the grassroots level have tried to stage “people’s power” rallies, including mass protests in 2020, but to no avail.

PM Prayut openly expressed support for Gen. Min Aung Hlaing when the Myanmar general toppled the democratically elected civilian government on Feb. 1, 2021. Prayut knew very well the Myanmar general’s excuses to oust the government of Aung San Suu Kyi were baseless. Citing the COVID-19 pandemic which was raging, the Thai leader also gave the ASEAN’s emergency summit in Jakarta on April 24 last year a miss.

Prayut has never tried to hide disagreement with ASEAN’s “interference with Myanmar’s domestic affairs”. He disliked the initiative of President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, then Malaysian PM Muhyiddin Yassin and Singapore’s PM Lee Hsien Loong to push Gen. Hlaing to agree on the five-point consensus during the Jakarta summit.

But Prayut found it was very difficult to defend Hlaing when ASEAN decided to boycott the Myanmar’s junta leader from ASEAN summits and their meetings with dialogue partners during the East Asian Summit in October last year. Cambodian PM Hun Sen failed from the very beginning in defending Myanmar’s regime, because Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines were very firm in the decision to punish Myanmar.

Hlaing was punished for his failure to realize his own commitment, including ending the military violence against civilians, the resumption of peaceful dialogue with all related parties, and providing unconditional access for ASEAN’s special envoy to meet with anyone in Myanmar.

Why is Prayut so emphatic about Myanmar’s coup? Like Hlaing, Prayut used similar justifications when he ousted PM Yingluck Shinawatra in May 2014 and appointed himself the new prime minister three months later. He repeatedly promised to hold a general election soon, but he only fulfilled it five years later in March 2019, only after massive protests. His position as ASEAN chairman that year was another factor that forced him to hold the election.

Prayut leads a 16-party coalition that holds 248 seats compared with the opposition's 208. But his support base is fragmented.

Cracks within the Prayut-led coalition stem from his mismanagement of the COVID-19 pandemic and the economy that is not doing well. An early election to be held after Thailand hosts the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum (APEC) summit in November may put an end to the political crisis. World leaders from the Asia and Pacific region, including Jokowi, United States President Joe Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping, are scheduled to attend the summit.

Prayut may face mounting pressure to step down from within his coalition, or more importantly from military generals. The stalemate in Thailand is sending an alarming message to Myanmar’s generals that they will soon lose their staunch supporter.

Hopefully a civilian government will return to power in Thailand, although the military will continue to play a crucial role in domestic politics.

Once Prayut is out of office, the Thai military will hopefully avoid temptations to take over power. For the outside world, it is amazing to see Thailand go through 25 general elections, 19 coups and 20 constitutional changes since 1932 but continue to prosper with its strong agriculture development, tourism and favorable investment climate.

Military coups are much less popular today except in Africa. When Prayut toppled the government in 2014, military coups took place in Lesotho and Gambia. When Hlaing seized power in February 2021, there were four successful military takeovers in Chad, Mali, Guinea and Sudan.

As reported by Thai media and international news agencies, there is a possibility that Prayut may have to step down before his term ends in March 2023, as indicated by Deputy PM Prawit Wongsuwan, a former Army chief and a powerful supporter of the royal family.

After a meeting with leaders of the 17 members of the ruling coalition to discuss the dissolution of the parliament, Prawit said last Tuesday the general election could be held in November.

Prayut did not respond to the early election plan. Perhaps he still wants to rule the country for another four years, because the 2017 Constitution allows a prime minister to be reelected for one more term. Opposition parties and street protesters argued Prayut could not be reelected because he had served as prime minister since August 2014.

The Thai Royal Family has to readjust itself to the will of the people, especially the younger generation. Under King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who ruled the country for years until his death on Oct. 13, 2016, the king was highly respected and loved by the people. His successor King Maha Vajiralongkorn cannot rival the popularity and charisma of his father.

The king seems to have adjusted himself to the new situation. But the military and political elites are not ready for such drastic changes.

I am just an outsider, but it is clear that Thailand’s younger generation aspires for democracy. They have less of an appetite for coups, no matter how imperfect their election system is.

Prayut should realize it and step down before it’s too late. For Myanmar’s generals, they must realize people have lost their patience.

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The writer is a senior editor at The Jakarta Post.