For more than six decades of the nation's political journey, it was only briefly that Indonesians witnessed the existence of political opposition. Oppositionalism became an integral part of the country's day- to- day politics when a democratic parliamentarian system of government was practiced from 1950 to 1957 (or 1959 if someone would like to include the period of transition from constitutional democracy to guided democracy).

During this period, oppositional politics served as the only possible way to ensure that executive power was constitutionally checked and balanced by the parliament. Regardless of its democratic merit, the history books appear to see oppositional politics in a less favorable way. The experience of the1950s will always be seen as a time of ineffective politics characterized mainly by the rise and fall of governments that were unable to govern.

Both Sukarno and Soeharto saw opposition as a source of ineffectiveness. In their view, it served as a hurdle to stability and development. This perception was by no means surprising as both of these presidents had no interest in democracy, let alone allowing their executive power to be checked and balanced by opposing parties in the parliament and beyond.

Under these circumstances, it is safe to say that oppositional politics was hampered by the inability of Sukarno and Soeharto to appreciate democracy. But democracy does not always function as a sufficient condition for oppositional politics to grow. Democracy may serve as a necessary condition for the politics of opposition to develop, but its existence is very much dependent on the calculation of its practitioners.

In the last 10 years, the practice of our day-to-day politics seems to have supported such a premise. When the country (re)embarked on its second democratic journey, there was an inherent perception - or even hope - the politics of opposition would be an integral part of the new game.

It was not the case! To the surprise of many, every political party wanted so much to smell the scent of power. Likewise, the winning factions were also willing to share a bit of their power with others. This was what we saw when Abdurrahman Wahid grabbed the executive power entrusted on him by the parliament in October 1999.

He accommodated the interests of many parties, even small ones like the Justice Party, and awarded them with at least one post in his Cabinet.

Abdurrahman's presidency provided a vivid example that democracy did not necessarily require oppositional politics in its normal or regular sense. Opposition to his regime grew only when his leadership did not appear to be in line with the interest of all parties, but his own. In fact many thought his policy choices contradicted the laws of the land.

Megawati's presidency from July 2001 to September 2004 followed suit. She accommodated the interests of all important parties in the parliament to a point where oppositional politics was simply nonexistent or impossible to be carried out.

It was President Yudhoyono's first term that actually gave us a proof that partisan politics did not actually have a tradition for an oppositional politics. Right after the 2004 general elections, an attempt was made to design a bipolar oppositional politics in order to secure the leadership in parliament - Nation Coalition versus People Coalition.

It did not last long. Soon after the selection of leadership in the parliament was completed, the coalition forces collapsed. The Nation Coalition, comprised mainly of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and Golkar, which was expected to oppose the Yudhoyono leadership, broke up when the Golkar leadership changed hands from Akbar Tandjung to Jusuf Kalla - Yudhoyono's vice president. With that the PDI-P became a lone and lame oppositional duck in parliament.

Yudhoyono's second term seems to have provided even stronger proof that oppositional politics is really not an option for the majority of Indonesian politicians. Everybody wants a bit of power - primarily in the executive branch of the government. A powerful faction within the PDI-P, which had placed itself as an opposition party throughout Yudhoyono's first term, suddenly showed a willingness to be part of his second term.

Golkar, which was a partner to Yudhoyono, but was plunged into an unpleasant situation when Vice President Kalla was nominated as the party's candidate in the 2009 presidential election, also showed interest in joining Yudhoyono's second term. This will only become a reality should Aburizal Bakrie succeed Jusuf Kalla in the upcoming Golkar congress.

With all other parties, especially Islamic parties, having already joined Yudhoyono's political bandwagon, in theory there will be no oppositional forces in parliament. The fact that Yudhoyono is also continuously being encouraged or spin-doctored not to bow to the interest of his political partners and to give cabinets posts to professionals, this will reduce further the oppositional forces or the potential of in both the parliament and society.

Given that perspective, perhaps it is true that Indonesia is indeed - in Soepomo's term - an integralistic state, where power should be distributed consociationally to avoid havoc or bickering - a different word for opposition.

The writer is a professor of political science at the State Islamic University (UIN), Jakarta.

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