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Revitalizing the Bandung spirit in a changing world
Asian and African leaders are gathering in Indonesia to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the Asian-African Conference, or the Bandung Conference, as well as the 10th anniversary of the New Asian-African Strategic Partnership (NAASP)
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Asian and African leaders are gathering in Indonesia to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the Asian-African Conference, or the Bandung Conference, as well as the 10th anniversary of the New Asian-African Strategic Partnership (NAASP).
Themed 'Strengthening South-South Cooperation to Promote World Peace and Security', the forum is aimed at sharing experiences and strengthening partnerships to enhance economic development of both regions, as well as to discuss solutions to common challenges.
It was at the golden jubilee of the Bandung conference in 2005 that the NAASP was established.
The 1955 Bandung conference was the first major international conference that Indonesia organized and for a while it helped unite the various political forces at
home. It was an important milestone in the resurgence of Asian and African nations.
From that time on, one could observe the development of more concerted international efforts by Asian and African nations to end colonialism and support the movements for self-determination of the subjected peoples in the two continents.
Even more significantly, the conference and its outcome signaled the desire and confidence of Asian and African nations to play a more autonomous role in international politics that transcended the Cold War ideological divide.
The Final Communiqué of the 1955 Bandung conference enunciated the common stance adopted by the participants, including their strong opposition to, and rejection of, colonialism, racism, the use of force in settling disputes and the presence of weapons of mass destruction.
The more lasting impact of the conference was the adoption of the 10 Principles (Dasasila) of international relations.
The Bandung conference clearly served as an embryo for the emergence of the Non-Aligned Movement, formally established in Belgrade in September 1961, whose membership encompassed countries in Asia, Africa, Europe and Latin America.
Starting with the Bandung conference, the new states in Asia and Africa, which on their own were too small or too weak to have their voices heard, let alone to exert influence on the big powers, together became an important voice in international politics, particularly as their number grew.
The first Asian-African Conference, however, had more far reaching historical consequences for Indonesia. Indonesia's neutralist foreign policy did not please the Eisenhower government in Washington. Then US secretary of state John Foster Dulles regarded neutralism in the Cold War as immoral. Even more alarming was Washington's policy of isolating China, but then prime minister Zhou Enlai succeeded in overcoming suspicions and hostilities of several Asian countries represented at the Bandung conference.
Historians have generally agreed that Sukarno was never a communist, but rather a nationalist who was strongly against colonialism and imperialism. Sukarno's foreign policy, however, in addition to his domestic balancing act of patronizing the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) vis-Ã -vis the anticommunist military, was seen by the Eisenhower government as being too dangerous to be allowed to go on unchecked. The clandestine US activities against Indonesia during the Eisenhower administration have now been made public.
Suffice to say that from 1955 onward, the Eisenhower government began to intervene directly in Indonesian politics.
Throughout the years Indonesians have generally looked to the achievement of the first Asian-African Conference with unalloyed pride. The conference has been regarded as the finest articulation of Indonesia's principle of free and active foreign policy.
Indonesia's roles as the mouthpiece for Asian and African states on the global stage and as a founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement have become intrinsic to Indonesia's national identity and provided the framework within which Indonesia's foreign policy could be conducted.
Nevertheless, while Indonesia constantly refers to the Bandung spirit and the Dasasila in its foreign policy, after the demise of Sukarno there was not much interest in pursuing Asian-African cooperation in more concrete terms.
Instead of trying to appear as a spokesman for the developing countries in the fight against colonialism and imperialism, Indonesia's foreign policy under president Soeharto was primarily aimed at wooing international capital and foreign assistance for the country's economic development and promoting regional stability within which domestic development could take place.
Notwithstanding continuing lip-service references to Asian-African solidarity and the Non-Aligned Movement, Indonesia's foreign policy throughout most of the New Order period was much more pragmatic and oriented toward a few countries in the Asia-Pacific region and the developed countries that have played a pivotal role in Indonesia's economic development.
Domestic criticisms of Indonesia's low-profile role and concern that Indonesia was losing its international standing through its neglect of its historic link to the larger Asian and African regions partly contributed to Indonesia's seriousness in making its chairmanship of the Non-Aligned Movement in 1992-1994 a success.
However, its successful economic development and the end of the Cold War made it possible for Indonesia once again to assume a leading role in the Non-Aligned Movement by emphasizing economic and technical issues.
In contrast to the Cold War confrontational policy, Indonesia promoted North-South dialogue and South-South cooperation, and pursued close cooperation with both developed and developing countries.
Indonesia's foreign policy resurgence toward the later period of the New Order was, however, short-lived due to the Asian financial disaster. Between 1997 and 2002 Indonesia became more inward looking as it was dealing with various crises at home.
As political stability was restored, Indonesia managed to resume its active foreign policy role, chairing ASEAN in 2003 and holding the commemorative summit to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Bandung Conference in 2005.
It is also important to note that political changes in Indonesia, in particular the transition to democracy, have been reflected in the country's foreign policy outlook.
In his speech at the opening of the Asian-African Summit in Jakarta on 22 April 2005, then president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono argued that while the battle cry in 1955 was 'freedom', in 2005 the struggle was for 'human dignity' and the quest for 'good governance'.
He insisted that the NAASP 'should also serve as an instrument for the promotion of a just, democratic, accountable and harmonious society' as well as 'to promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms'.
At the same time, Indonesia also began to look at the neglected economic potential of African countries and to try to widen cooperation beyond government-driven activities.
Compared with his predecessor, President Joko 'Jokowi' Widodo has tried to promote a different foreign policy, which emphasizes direct material benefits for the common people. Observers have interpreted such a stance as Indonesia's leaning inward with narrowly defined national interests.
But when first suggested that the 60th anniversary of the Bandung Conference be celebrated modestly and focused on the business meeting, which would yield direct economic benefits, especially because of the short preparation period, the President opted for a full celebration.
While greater emphasis is being put on realizing concrete measures to strengthen economic and development cooperation between Asian and African nations, issues related to international politics and security have unavoidably risen to the fore, reflecting the current regional and global changes.
Once again the Bandung spirit and the Bandung Principles are being invoked to help the international community deal with the various challenges and conflicts that continue to beset many countries across the two continents, which for the most part are intramural in nature.
There is now a proposal that the Asian-African Conference will be held annually. The desire to revitalize the Bandung spirit clearly indicates that President Jokowi's supposed lack of interest in foreign affairs is exaggerated.
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The writer is a research professor for intermestic affairs at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI) and currently serves as the deputy secretary for political affairs to the Vice President of Indonesia.
