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The date of Sept. 2, 1948 is perceived as the origin of Indonesia’s foreign policy principle bebas dan aktif (independent and active). It was coined in the speech of then-vice president Mohammad Hatta before a heated meeting of the Central National Committee of Indonesia (KNIP), underlining newly independent Indonesia’s choice of being neither pro-Soviet nor pro-America in the bipolar world.

In the pursuit of national ideals, Hatta contended, “The government is of the opinion that the position to be taken is that Indonesia should not be a passive party in the arena of international politics but that it should be an active agent entitled to determine its own standpoint with the right to fight for its own goal.”

Indonesian foreign policy was not only influenced by the bipolarity that led to the rise of a Cold War system. Its independent and active international outlook was also determined by domestic political contest. The push and pull factors were considered so that the independent and active principles gave Indonesia international gains and domestic settlement.

At that time, Indonesian diplomacy was intended to win international recognition of its independence and sovereignty, including over Papua. It turns out the issue of Indonesia’s sovereignty over Papua remains a challenge.

Widely accepted as a legal condition for every player or actor in the global field, international recognition is sought after and maintained by state governments and nonstates entities. That Papuan independence campaigner Benny Wenda and its United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) and scattered affiliated fronts fight for international recognition is therefore understandable.

However, the government’s fear about its sovereignty being undermined by different groups of people who show deep concern and sympathy to the Papuans will only be considered a show of inconfidence and immaturity.

History proves Indonesia has successfully secured international recognition in difficult times. Leaders of newly born Indonesia went through a set of exhausting and frustrating negotiations with many countries such as the United States, Soviet Union, Australia, India and Arab states, the United Nations and finally the Netherlands, to gain recognition.

Indonesian negotiators had to seek compromise that disappointed many domestic political forces.

Sukarno, Hatta, Sjahrir, just to name a few founding fathers, did well to convince international powers that we had an effective government with the capacity needed to rule the whole territory previously under the Dutch colonial administration, organize and control the armed forces and implement a democratic political system.

That Sukarno afterward broke the consensus of the negotiations proved the tactical and pragmatic approach to dealing with big powers in which the bebas aktif principle has its own rationality.

Soeharto’s New Order era demonstrates similar exercises. Facing economic hardship and domestic political fragmentation, Soeharto’s economic ministers managed to seek foreign help. It was clearly argued that for the country to be stable and united, economic development should top the priority in which international assistance and investment, mostly from the US and Western countries, was the very basic condition. Bebas aktif, again, justified such an international stance.

When the economy gradually developed, demands for political freedom and democracy rose. It was only the coincidence of economic crisis and failure to meet the demands for democracy that forced Soeharto to step down after 32 years in power and ushered the country into a new era of reform.

Our domestic politics always comes under international scrutiny. Therefore, as we are facing demands for a self-determination referendum from some of the people in Papua, we have to respond in a proportional and positive manner.

We have to acknowledge first of all that those people have not only rights that are universally accepted, but also capacity to call for international attention and recognition. At the same time, we have to be firm that we are in the same and the only one nation-state of Indonesia. In this regards, the racial abuse and discrimination Papuan students and people have endured on top of social and economic injustice are our collective problems as a nation.

Putting pressure on our diplomats to deal with the problems in Papua is not a solution. Rather, it might exacerbate the problem. Although the conventional wisdom says diplomats are sent abroad to tell lies, in the midst of open, online and massive flows of information, our representatives will be heard only if they work based on data, facts and strong arguments.

And the other side of any diplomatic mission is to bring home responses and views of international communities and to capitalize on them for national interests. In other words, Indonesian diplomats have to share the same voices about domestic politics and policies.

When the international community shows deep concern about Papua, our ambassadors and citizens overseas need to loudly warn the government in Jakarta and in Papua, including the security forces, to act effectively and democratically in maintaining peace and stability in the easternmost region.

It is then fair to say that instead of blaming Wenda and his ULMWP or other individuals and human rights groups advocating equal and indiscriminative governance in Papua, it is much better for the government to work to capitalize on international support and sympathy. We need it to restore peace and advance democracy and development in the region.

The principle bebas aktif remains relevant and runs well in all situations and contexts. It is, however, only significant and meaningful when we show appreciation to international concerns and support, and at the same time make substantial progress in managing our own nation.

Failure to implement bebas aktif internally and externally will only put our sovereignty under a constant question.

___________________

Mangadar Situmorang is a senior lecturer and Inez Ignatzia is a student of international relations at Parahyangan Catholic University, Bandung.

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