The lack of a chief diplomat in the US capital hampers Indonesia's ability to effectively engage with key stakeholders and advocate for its economic interests. Ironically, the US is among a few countries with which Indonesia has signed a comprehensive strategic partnership.

In January, we underscored the urgency of appointing an envoy to Washington to signal Indonesia's commitment to strengthening bilateral ties with the US. Regrettably, this counsel has gone unheeded, leaving Indonesia without a pivotal representative during a period of escalating trade tensions.

The absence of an ambassador sends an unintended message of ambivalence, potentially undermining President Prabowo's aspirations for a high-level meeting with President Trump.

The current scenario places Indonesia at a distinct disadvantage compared to regional counterparts.

Nations such as Singapore and Vietnam have proactively engaged lobbying firms to cultivate relationships within the US Congress and administrative offices. In contrast, Indonesia's reliance on outdated connections, many of whom have diminished influence in the current US political landscape, leaves the nation ill-prepared to navigate the complexities of Washington's corridors of power.

Some officials have downplayed the significance of the ambassadorial vacancy, asserting that it bears minimal impact on ongoing diplomatic efforts. However, this perspective is increasingly untenable.

The absence of an ambassador has coincided with unsuccessful attempts to secure a meeting between Prabowo and Trump, highlighting the necessity of having a dedicated envoy to facilitate such engagements.

The recent appointment of 31 new envoys by President Prabowo, while a step toward bolstering Indonesia's diplomatic presence globally, notably excludes the critical posting in Washington, among others. This omission is perplexing, especially given the pressing need for robust representation amid escalating trade disputes.

The urgency is further amplified by the imminent dispatch of a high-level delegation to Washington, led by Coordinating Economic Minister Airlangga Hartarto, aiming to negotiate favorable trade terms.

While the possible inclusion of Investment Minister Rosan P. Roeslani—the last Indonesian envoy to the US before this long vacuum—to the delegation could provide some continuity, his demanding responsibilities elsewhere underscore the need for a permanent replacement to ensure sustained engagement and follow-through on negotiated agreements.

Even the most competent of chargés d’affaires will not have the same clearance to broach time-sensitive topics with the US government after the high-level delegation returns.

Assuming that the eventual appointment process is expedited, the confirmation and deployment of a new ambassador could take several months, a luxury Indonesia can ill afford amid the current trade climate.

Time is of the essence, as several US officials have indicated a willingness to engage in prompt discussions to address tariff concerns.

Potential candidates for the ambassadorial role are readily available, including seasoned figures such as former trade ministers Gita Wirjawan and Muhammad Lutfi, as well as Rosan's protégé, Pandu Sjahrir. President Prabowo must exercise decisive leadership in nominating a candidate who can adeptly navigate the complexities of US-Indonesia relations and advocate effectively for Indonesia's interests.

At this juncture, even appointing someone Prabowo trusts from the military looks better than leaving the strategic position empty for another few months.

The prolonged vacancy of Indonesia's ambassadorship represents a significant oversight that undermines the nation's diplomatic and economic objectives.

President Prabowo must prioritize the swift appointment of a qualified envoy to ensure that Indonesia's voice is heard and its interests are robustly represented in the US.

Failure to do so risks relegating Indonesia to the periphery of international trade negotiations to the detriment of its economic future.