However, the silent rivalry, if any, has apparently dragged the Indonesian Military (TNI), a force that should remain nonpartisan because of its access to weapons. Any attempt to distort the military’s impartiality not only endangers national security but also breaches the spirit of the reform movement 27 years ago, which put an end to decades-long dwifungsi (dual function) in defense and sociopolitical affairs.

Signs of the power play recently unfolded when TNI chief Gen. Agus Subiyanto, who took the command baton under Jokowi, reassigned more than 200 senior officers. Among the officers was Lt. Gen. Kunto Arief Wibowo, a son of former vice president Try Sutrisno, who was transferred from his position as the commander of First Joint Defense Regional Command (Kogabwilhan I), which covers the land, water and air areas from Sumatra to Kalimantan, to a special staffer position at the TNI headquarters.

Kunto was replaced by Rear Adm. Hersan, a former adjutant of the president (2014-2016) and military secretary of the president (2022-2023) during the Jokowi administration.

The major TNI reshuffle came just a few days after dozens of retired military officers grouped under the Association of Army Retirees (PPAD) called for the impeachment of Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka, who is Jokowi’s son, the dismissal of cabinet members linked to Jokowi and a return to the original 1945 Constitution. Try was among the former generals supporting the petition, a letter of which was sent to Prabowo, who is also a retired army general.

Within just 24 hours, however, Agus reversed Kunto’s reassignment and that of several other officers, only to spark questions about the TNI’s decision-making related to the most recent major reshuffle. The TNI is characterized by strict discipline and solid organization, therefore such a turnaround is unimaginable. There was also a typo in the reassignment letter, in which a rear admiral was transferred to the Army Headquarters. But it is too naïve to believe there was nothing peculiar behind the swift correction other than “organizational needs” as claimed by the TNI.

Such a controversial tour of duty is not without precedent. On the heels of Reformasi that forced Soeharto to step down in 1998, then Armed Forces chief Gen. Wiranto appointed Lt. Gen. Johny Josephus Lumintang as the new chief of Army Strategic Reserve Command (Kostrad) in place of Prabowo, then Soeharto’s son-in-law. After 17 hours, however, Johny was replaced by Maj. Gen. Djamari Chaniago, then the West Java military commander.

The tug of interest within the TNI, especially among high-ranking officers, is not surprising because their strategic roles make them vulnerable to the power struggle among politicians. Factionalism within the TNI could be easily observed in the dichotomy between “green” and “red and white” camps, especially at the beginning of the reform era.

The issue worsened after revisions to the TNI Law allowed high-ranking military officers to hold positions in 15 civilian institutions and participate in government affairs. Amid growing controversy over the amendment, President Prabowo’s administration appointed Maj. Gen. Novi Helmy Prasetya – an active-duty general – as the new director of the State Logistics Agency (Bulog). The TNI Headquarters has stated that Novi’s retirement is underway.

No outside force can make decisions for a sitting president or TNI supreme commander like Prabowo, including in selecting military officers for strategic posts. The Kunto case, however, shows that a transparent appointment based on a merit system is key to avoiding an unnecessary power rivalry.

After all, TNI soldiers are part of the state apparatus and their loyalty rests with the state rather than with individual leaders.