The latest intrusion prompted a strong display of displeasure to be shown by Indonesian authorities. President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo paid a visit to the Natuna Islands, accompanied by the foreign minister and military top brass, with the intention of proving a point: to intrude as a pretext to test Indonesia’s determination to uphold its legitimate UNCLOS-backed EEZ rights will backfire. 

The strong reaction from the Indonesian side — amid the ambit of growing activity instigated by China to assert its claims based on its own nine-dash-line territory map — raises a question about Indonesia’s ability to maintain a neutral position in SCS territorial disputes. 

Indonesia continues to assert a non-party stand in the face of overlapping claims in the SCS involving China and other countries in the region. Consequentially, Indonesia has been able to advance diplomatic initiatives aimed at developing dialogue among the claimant states.

In the 1990s, Indonesia, with the support of the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), organized a series of informal workshops (Track Two Diplomacy) to identify issues of common interest in the SCS. 

The workshop series served as a platform for “officials” in their private capacity to discuss a wide range of relevant topics, from joint scientific research to environmental protection. 

The main purpose of the workshops was to create dialogue among officials representing the littoral states and to develop contacts. It is a truism in global politics that an open line of communication, referred to as a hotline, can help defuse tension. 

The June 1963 agreement between the US and the Soviet Union to establish such a hotline serves as a classic model, instigated at the height of the Cold War to reduce tensions following the October 1962 Missile Crisis in Cuba. 

Leaders of the two superpowers were hopeful that a hotline may avert any miscalculations that might lead the world into nuclear conflict. 

Indonesia, being non-partisan, was able to chair the discussion of the SCS during the East Asia Summit (EAS) in November 2011. Indonesia was able to cater — under the rubric of maritime cooperation — to the strong interest of EAS leaders and raise the issue of the SCS. 

Literature on conflict avoidance suggests that open and frank discussion can allay suspicion and distrust. Any armed conflict involving claimant states will jeopardize regional stability and shatter geo-politics in Asia. Conflict will shock the region, impede regional economic growth and halt the speed of development. 

Regional stability is key to Indonesia’s economic progress and development.

This leaves us with the earlier question of whether or not Indonesia will remain altruistic in projecting its diplomatic initiatives in the SCS. What can Indonesia do to conciliate the atmosphere of hostility among the claimant states?

Indonesia’s diplomatic efforts are even more relevant in anticipation of the impending ruling of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague over the case between China and the Philippines in regard to the SCS. 

It would appear that tensions may increase as China has insisted that the tribunal has no jurisdiction, indicating that it will ignore the ruling.

Indonesia is not party to the SCS disputes and Indonesia has no territorial issues with any of the claimant states, including China.

Therefore, Indonesia — by virtue of recognition, should consider calling for an ASEAN special session to be held at the ASEAN Secretariat Jakarta, should regional tension heighten following the Permanent Court of Arbitration ruling. 

ASEAN must stand united vis-a-vis an ill-conceived reaction to the court ruling by any claimant state that has potential to affect regional stability. 

Indonesia should also build on the accumulated knowledge derived from the aforementioned informal workshop diplomacy and press for a regional initiative to advance common interests in the SCS and should urge the littoral states adjacent to the SCS to focus more on common interest.

The region could look to the Arctic Council for a lesson in managing competing territorial claims. 

The Arctic Council serves as a forum for the eight Arctic States/circumpolar countries (Canada, the Kingdom of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Russia, Sweden and the US) to address issues of common concerns and to develop comfort levels. 

They focus on issues that affect them and the international communities, such as maritime security and climate change.

To transform deep-seated conflicts into peaceful resolutions, in the realm of diplomacy there is no shortage of examples. 

***

The writer, who holds doctorate in diplomatic history and conflict resolution from University of Waikato, New Zealand, is the Indonesian ambassador to Canada and permanent representative to the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) in Montreal. The views expressed are his own.

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