The nation is to soon undertake the fourth edition of the direct presidential election, along with legislative elections, this year. Yet, corruption — i.e. receiving, asking for, or offering gratification to induce a person to do a favor with a corrupt intent — in elections remains a serious problem that is hard to resolve. The Jakarta Post’s Kharishar Kahfi, Liza Yosephine and Imanuddin Razak take a close look into the systemically chronic issue.

The arrest of then-United Development Party (PPP) chairman Muhammad “Romy” Romahurmuziy on March 15, just a few weeks before the elections, has surprised many. The PPP is part of a coalition of political parties supporting incumbent President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, who is seeking reelection. Romy himself had been tipped as a close confidant to Jokowi, having accompanied the President in many campaign sessions and events across the country before his arrest.

Romy is not the first party leader — or even the first PPP chief — to be charged with corruption. Prior to his arrest, the Corruption Court convicted four political heavyweights: former Democratic Party leader Anas Urbaningrum, former Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) leader Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq, former PPP leader Suryadharma Ali and former Golkar Party leader Setya Novanto.

Romy, who was elected to replace Suryadharma following the latter’s arrest in 2014, is being accused of accepting bribes from civil servants to rig the promotion system at the Religious Affairs Ministry, which has long been considered one of the most corrupt institutions and is currently led by a PPP member. The scale of alleged corruption in Romy’s case pales in comparison to those of Anas and Setya, who were convicted of rigging government projects worth millions of dollars. Romy is being accused of accepting a Rp 300 million (US$21,045) bribe.

However, the smaller scale of the alleged corruption should not give him a pass. He allegedly abused his powers to benefit himself or others. Also, the investigation against him is under way, meaning it might lead to revelations of other cases of bribery.

The scandal has a serious impact as it practically ends Romy’s political career and puts the PPP, which has performed poorly in many political surveys, in an even more difficult position ahead of the April 17 elections. His fall from grace is regrettable and viewed as a national tragedy because, being only in his 40s, Romy was considered a promising young politician who many believed could bring about change in the country.

The case against Romy only confirms that there is rampant corruption within the country’s political system.

Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) spokesman Febri Diansyah noted that the majority of corruption cases handled by the KPK involved the country’s political actors. Quoting data filed by the KPK, Febri cited that 60 percent of the perpetrators were politicians and those in public offices.

“Seventy-two of the prosecuted politicians are members of the House of Representatives, another 164 are members of the provincial and city or regency legislative councils, and another 106 are regional heads,” Febri told The Jakarta Post in a recent interview.

“Most of them committed corruption for receiving bribes from the private sector, from state institutions and from officials in state ministries, among others.”

Rampant corruption in the country’s political system and institutions is also confirmed by Berlin-based corruption watchdog Transparency International. Dadang Trisasongko, secretary-general of Transparency International Indonesia, said there were continuing practices of political corruption — corruption committed by public officials elected by the public — in the country.

He cited Transparency International’s 2018 Global Report on the Corruption Perception Index (CPI), which classified Indonesia as one of the world’s most corrupt countries despite various measures taken by successive governments to combat corruption. The index ranges from 0 to 100, with zero indicating that a country is “highly corrupt”, while 100 indicates that a country is “very clean”.

“Indonesia scored 38 in 2018, only one point higher than its CPI score of 37 in 2017. The country’s overall index has only improved two points since the first year of President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s administration in 2015, when Indonesia scored 36,” Dadang said.

He said they “hijacked” the political process in the budgeting system, procurement of government goods and services and business licensing and conspired with corrupt bureaucrats and corrupt businessmen.

“They [corrupt officials] commit corruption not only at times close to the election, but whenever there is an opportunity […] they would benefit from all the opportunities that exist. So they practically commit corruption throughout a year from the time they take office,” he said.

When asked about the measures needed to resolve the issue, Transparency International underlined the importance of making political parties, the House and legislative councils accountable, as well as reforming the electoral system.

Meanwhile, Febri of the KPK said the anticorruption commission, in identifying those who were potentially corrupt, demanded that any incumbent candidates revealed and filed reports of their wealth and then publicly announce the names of those who had submitted their wealth reports and those who had not.

“This wealth report is important especially because most of the incumbent House members are running for office again. The general public deserves the right to know who [files their reports],” the KPK spokesman said.

Data gathered by the Indonesian Parliament Watch (Formappi) show that up to 94 percent of the incumbent legislative members are seeking reelection this year, or 529 of the 560 members of the House.

To give legislators time to file their reports, the KPK and the General Elections Commission (KPU) extended the deadline for submission from Jan. 1 to March 31.

However, as of April 7, only 12,681 out of the 18,353 legislators from the People’s Consultative Assembly, House, regional representative councils and regional legislative councils have submitted their reports.

Febri warned of the domino effect money politics could have in wreaking havoc on democracy in the country. Once a candidate is involved in corruption, he said, that money must be returned in one way or another.

“The question is, how could this candidate repay the money to finance his election bid? For sure he cannot repay it with the salary he will get as a legislator,” Febri said.

“The only way then is by abusing his authority as a legislator for the interests of those officials or businessmen, which eventually would derail effective budgeting in the legislature.”

At the end of the day, he concluded, the general public, which is supposed to be dealing with the product of democracy, can only enjoy the leftovers.

“They will never be able to enjoy the main course,” Febri said.

Popular

Volcano erupts in North Sulawesi, hundreds evacuated

Dubai roads, airport reel from floods after record rains

Ramadan boosts consumer confidence, retail sales