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Ukraine, right-wing nationalism and the crisis of democracy
Right-wing nationalism is largely a reaction to the downsides of neoliberal globalization, combined with the shortcomings of the third wave of rights and democracy.
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This aerial view taken on Nov. 17 shows the site where a missile strike on Nov. 15 killed two men in the eastern Poland village of Przewodow, near the border with war-ravaged Ukraine. (AFP/Wojtek Radwanski/Damien Simonart)
I
t has been a bad year. Not only did Russia invade Ukraine -- other disasters included the burnout of the Swedish pole star of social-democratic thought. Olof Palme’s neglected North-South partnership and non-alignment was scrapped entirely in favor of NATO membership.
The following election campaign was dominated by issues of immigration and crime. And there was no clear alternative for those negatively affected by social and civic inequalities. Social democratic leader Magdalena Andersson rejoiced at the increase of two percentage points in the vote for her party, but that was at the expense of possible allies.
Many did not vote or switched to the radical-rightist Swedish Democrats, including in the socially and criminally “vulnerable areas”. The party failed to counter the radical right, which is now dominating the new conservative government’s agenda. Rightists around the world are jubilant.
The social democratic principles of sustainable development based on social justice achieved by democratic means are as important as ever, but the retreats are devastating. What should leftists and liberal progressives do?
Swedish social democratic party leaders apparently want to follow their Danish colleagues who won their national election two months later by accepting the right-wing arguments on immigration, refugees and police batons while adding better welfare for the “real” Danes. But what is left of social democracy if its core principle of democracy based on equality of all people -- and international solidarity to sustain it -- is undermined?
Leftist social democrats suggest more progressive economic policies and welfare reforms to counter the far-right thesis of social security through ethnic nationalism. But there are few ideas on how to influence the international power relations that reduce the national room for action to implement the reforms. So the rightists may sustain their support by asserting that it is necessary to protect "real Swedes" behind nativist borders.
Acting by way of NATO to help Ukraine and save liberal democracy is also problematic. Russian imperialism must be contained and the countries nearby, including Sweden, feel particularly threatened and must coordinate their defense.
