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PSI’s electoral gambit: Will it pay dividends?
It is plausible that PSI will be better known as Kaesang’s party instead of a party driven by a transformative mission.
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Fan service: Kaesang Pangarep (second left), chairman of the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI) and the youngest son of President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, and PSI patron Giring Ganesha (left) pose for a selfie on Oct. 7, 2023 with members of the public on Jl. Braga in Bandung, West Java. (Antara/Raisan Al Farisi)
T
he Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI) has captured the nation’s attention with its maneuver of electing Kaesang Pangarep, the youngest son of President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo as its leader. Kaesang’s rise to the top job is nothing short of phenomenal, considering that he joined the party only two days before he took its helm and has no prior history of involvement in politics.
More importantly, it also marks a significant step in the party’s ongoing efforts to demonstrate its unwavering loyalty to Jokowi. The party has introduced the concept of Jokowisme, which posits that Jokowi’s style of governing constitutes a coherent philosophy. The party has also declared its commitment to heed any directives from the President, including on which presidential candidate to support.
What accounts for the PSI’s abrupt change in direction, transitioning from a party predominantly driven by a progressive, liberal democratic agenda to one tethering its destiny to a political figure recently associated with Indonesia’s democratic regression? What factors are at play in its strategic calculus, and what could lie ahead for the PSI in the future?
The PSI’s sudden change in direction is perplexing given the potential negative repercussions it carries. For one, the country’s executive branch has faced criticisms for contributing to Indonesia’s democratic setback with several undemocratic policy positions. Second, Jokowi has sent signals of supporting the presidential bid of Prabowo Subianto, his defense minister with a history of human-rights abuse allegations. Considering the PSI’s progressive reputation, aligning itself with these two political figures appears imprudent.
Indeed, the PSI has consequently come under fire from various quarters, including from its own party members. Among the criticisms leveled against the party are allegations of supporting the practice of political dynasty building and backing a presidential contender with a dark past. These criticisms could undermine the PSI’s already limited voter base. Signs of the erosion have been evident with the resignation of several influential party members, such as Guntur Romli.
Upon closer inspection, however, all these confusing political maneuvers may constitute a calculated electoral gambit to respond to a certain electoral dilemma. The PSI sacrifices something upfront while hoping for considerable future gains.
To begin with, understanding the PSI’s electoral strategy necessitates recognizing the party’s unfortunate predicaments, its current challenges as well as the electoral dilemma the party is grappling with. Like other small, newly formed parties, the PSI faces what seems like an unsurmountable challenge: the requirement to pass the 4 percent legislative threshold to influence national policy-making. For the record, in the 2019 legislative election, the PSI only managed to garner a negligible 1.89 percent or approximately 2.6 million votes.
