Anti-Israel narratives continue to hold significant importance, not only as a declaration of Indonesian support for the Palestinian cause, but also as a political resource that is widely played upon by conservative factions. Although such protests are not new, they have the potential to further complicate an already politically charged environment and provide an opportunity for conservatives to reestablish their position amid ongoing power struggles.

It is noteworthy that the conservatives benefit from our popular reading of the Israeli-Arab conflict, which has also influenced an objective and inclusive outlook. Moreover, Indonesia in recent years has seen a worrying trend of backsliding in various aspects of its democracy, including the increasing polarization and intolerance, the reorganization of oligarchic elites (Robison and Hadiz 2004; Facal 2019; Nadzir et al. 2019; Mujani and Kuipers 2020) and the growing influence of conservatism and populism (Hosen 2019; Perdana and Widianti 2019; Schaefer 2019).

Furthermore, Hadler (2004) and Ali (2010) examined Indonesian perceptions toward Judaism and Jews, which were found to be generally negative. The strong negative sentiment regarding Jews took root in the colonial period and during the occupation by the Japanese, who were then allies of the Nazis.

The narrative of Japanese colonizers has been sustained until modern era through the idea of “Jewish-satanic world domination” (Hadler 2004, 305). It is unrelated to Jewish values or religious debates, as Indonesia never officially prohibited Judaism. Likewise, Ali (2010) noted that Indonesia had a relatively strong negative perception of Jews, even when Indonesia only had few books or academic resources about Jewish history and culture.

In the Indonesian Muslim community, the prevailing view of Jews and Judaism is often seen as monolithic, influenced by a particular reading of the Quran, early and medieval Islamic history and news of contemporary global politics rather than any actual interaction or encounters with contemporary Jews in Indonesia.

Moreover, we have seen rises in these anti-Israel and anti-Semitic sentiments in many transitional periods in Indonesian politics. During the 1997-1998 crisis, some ultraconservative movements initiated massive protests, accusing Israel as being a conspirator in efforts to dethrone Soeharto. This conspiracy logic relies heavily on this logic of crisis, drawing in particular on the economic and political turbulence that hit the republic in the late authoritarian era.

During the presidency of Abdurrahman “Gus Dur” Wahid, there was a notable controversy over his intentions to establish diplomatic and economic relations with Israel. Gus Dur sought to promote genuine harmony between Muslims and Jews, as commanded by the Quran.

He urged everyone to view Jews as human and religious communities, rather than mere political entities, and deserving of tolerance and peace like everyone else. This positive agenda, in fact, failed, as the president received numerous criticisms and ignited protest movements.

Likewise, two Indonesian presidential elections in 2014 and 2019 faced similar patterns. For example, allegations were spread through short message service (SMS) on May 26, 2014, alleging that Jokowi was a Zionist agent, affiliated with a Jewish group, was trying to rule the world and was covertly controlled by the international movement.

In 2019, Jokowi’s camp also faced the accusation that it had hired the US-based Jewish political consultant Stanley Greenberg. In November 2018, during the presidential campaign, numerous anonymous accounts on Facebook and Twitter spread fake news that the Indonesian government had added Judaism to the list of six officially recognized religions in Indonesia (Syaiful 2018).

Thus, the Jewish people and Israel have been stored in Indonesian memory as the perceived threats through orchestrated disinformation. The current political settings stage this same anxiety as a political weapon. The perceived threats are disseminated by conservatives and operate at many levels and in many dimensions, and have successfully affected the democratic atmosphere.

One should note that soccer, in the political spectrum, functions as a double-edged sword. It can be used as a medium for reconciliation and harmony, or conversely, exploited as a platform for propaganda and image-building by political elites (Doidge and de Almeida 2020).

In democratic countries that emphasize direct elections, soccer serves as a political campaign arena. Millions of soccer club supporters are not merely cultural and social units that uphold a sporting tradition, nor are they solely economic entities that sustain the lives of players and clubs to ensure continuous play.

Today, soccer spectators are also political constituents whose votes are carefully considered as participants in the ballot box. The media exposure and routine soccer matches have provided a free promotional platform and massive image-building opportunity.

With such calculations, using soccer to promote conservative power is significant.

 ***

The writer is a political researcher with a PhD from University of Leeds, the United Kingdom.

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