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Populism and democracy: Lessons from the US and Indonesia
The narrative of victimhood and rebellion against elites mirrors trends in Southeast Asia, particularly Indonesia, where populist rhetoric has significantly shaped political campaigns.
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Republican presidential nominee and former United States president Donald Trump gestures to the crowd as sons Eric Trump and Donald Trump Jr. look on near the exit, during a campaign rally in Raleigh, North Carolina, US, on Nov. 4, 2024. (Reuters/Brian Snyder)
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s the United States approaches the inauguration of its next president, the political resonance of Donald Trump’s return remains a focal point of global discussions on democracy. Trump’s political resurrection is not merely a reflection of voter frustration; it signals deeper structural issues in contemporary governance.
The parallels between Trump’s resurgence and historical instances of populism, such as Louis Bonaparte’s rise to power, offer an intriguing perspective. Karl Marx famously derided Louis Bonaparte as a “grotesque mediocrity”, an adventurer concealing his flaws behind the “iron death mask of Napoleon”. In The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, Marx detailed how societal conditions and class struggles paved the way for improbable figures to ascend to power. This dynamic, as Peter Winn-Brown highlights in The Second Coming: Part One—The Resurrection, mirrors Trump’s political career and resurgence.
Winn-Brown’s analysis, published on Medium on Dec. 2, critiques Trump’s return while drawing parallels to global populist trends, including those in Indonesia. These comparisons invite deeper reflection on the mechanisms of populist power and its impact on democratic systems.
Trump’s appeal, as Winn-Brown asserts, lies in his ability to exploit cultural and economic grievances. This narrative of victimhood and rebellion against elites mirrors trends in Southeast Asia, particularly Indonesia, where populist rhetoric has significantly shaped political campaigns. Political theorist Cas Mudde describes populism as a response to “pathological normalcy,” where democratic systems fail to address inequality and social alienation.
Indonesia’s 2019 presidential election revealed similar dynamics. Candidates like Prabowo Subianto employed populist appeals to rally support, focusing on nationalist economic policies and criticism of foreign influence. These messages resonated deeply with voters disillusioned by economic disparities. Such parallels highlight how populism, whether in the US or Indonesia, thrives by tapping into cultural insecurities and economic frustrations.
Efforts to delegitimize populist leaders often have unintended consequences, as Marx observed in his critique of Louis Bonaparte’s opponents. Figures like Victor Hugo and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, by attempting to belittle Bonaparte, inadvertently amplified his stature. Winn-Brown notes a similar dynamic in modern politics, where attempts to cancel Trump reinforce his narrative as a victim of elite oppression. This underscores the need for strategies that address the root causes of populist discontent rather than focusing solely on individual leaders.
Winn-Brown critiques the Democratic Party’s failure to connect with working-class voters, a point echoed in Indonesian politics. Progressive candidates in Indonesia often struggle to engage rural and economically disadvantaged communities where development remains uneven. Bernie Sanders’ assertion that “a Democratic Party which has abandoned working-class people would find that the working class has abandoned them” holds true for Indonesian progressives as well. Both nations illustrate the need for progressive movements to address economic concerns while respecting cultural identities to regain trust.
