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Jakarta Post

Elusive police reform

Today the National Police are increasingly reminiscent of the military during the New Order era. 

Editorial board (The Jakarta Post)
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Thu, February 5, 2026 Published on Feb. 4, 2026 Published on 2026-02-04T08:59:35+07:00

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Police fire tear gas to disperse demonstrators during a protest against the Police Mobile Brigade (Brimob) in front of the East Java gubernatorial residence in Surabaya, East Java on Aug. 29, 2025, following the death of 21-year-old motorcycle transportation driver Affan Kurniawan, who was killed after being struck by a police tactical vehicle amid a protest against lavish allowances for lawmakers in Jakarta on Aug. 28. Police fire tear gas to disperse demonstrators during a protest against the Police Mobile Brigade (Brimob) in front of the East Java gubernatorial residence in Surabaya, East Java on Aug. 29, 2025, following the death of 21-year-old motorcycle transportation driver Affan Kurniawan, who was killed after being struck by a police tactical vehicle amid a protest against lavish allowances for lawmakers in Jakarta on Aug. 28. (AFP/Juni Kriswanto)

T

he prosecution of Hogi Minaya in Sleman, Yogyakarta, is not an isolated case of the bizarre standard operating procedures of the police. He was named a suspect for chasing down pickpockets who had stolen his wife’s bag, an act that tragically led to the deaths of the two thieves.

While the prosecutors eventually dropped the case and local police leaders were replaced following a grilling by House of Representatives Commission III, the incident reflects a flawed, deep-rooted culture of law enforcement.

This absurdity is part of a pattern to say the least. Whether it was the arrest of youths in Yogyakarta in August last year for "cheating" online gambling operators or the 2022 case in West Nusa Tenggara where a man was arrested for killing robbers in self-defense, the public is increasingly left questioning how the criminal justice system works in this country.

Demands for sweeping reform, including organizational overhaul, have intensified following the protests of August 2025, during which the police’s excessive use of force resulted in the death of a motorcycle transportation driver and the arrest of hundreds of protesters for exercising their freedom of expression.

In response, President Prabowo Subianto formed an ad hoc commission in early November to accelerate reform. However, three months later, the body has failed to inspire confidence, largely because the object of the reform, the police, makes up nearly half of the commission's membership.

National Police chief Gen. Listyo Sigit Prabowo’s blunt rejection of calls to place the police under a civilian ministry further illustrates the resistance from within. Since the police separated from the then-Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI) in 1999, the goal has been to create a professional, transparent and accountable civilian institution. Two decades later, that promise remains unfulfilled. Public trust is at a deficit, eroded by perceptions of arrogance, extortion and selective enforcement.

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The current structure, where the police answer directly to the President, has created a dangerous paradox: a powerful institution with ineffective civilian oversight. With a massive budget, the third-largest state budget spender this year, and wide-ranging authority but no external accountability, the police have morphed into a "superbody." This unchecked power provides fertile ground for a culture of impunity, allowing the force to become an instrument of political and business interests rather than a protector of the people.

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