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Jakarta Post

Arrests aren’t enough

While the KPK’s arrest spree suggests a victory for the rule of law, it may indicate a deeper political rot. Without reforming how parties select candidates, we risk trading our hard-won democracy for a cycle of perpetual graft.

Editorial board (The Jakarta Post)
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Thu, April 23, 2026 Published on Apr. 22, 2026 Published on 2026-04-22T08:14:03+07:00

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Facing prosecution: Tulungagung Regent Gatut Sunu Wibowo enters a detention vehicle after undergoing questioning on April 12 at the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) headquarters in Jakarta. The KPK has named him a suspect in a case involving extortion and other illicit payments within the Tulungagung administration. Facing prosecution: Tulungagung Regent Gatut Sunu Wibowo enters a detention vehicle after undergoing questioning on April 12 at the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) headquarters in Jakarta. The KPK has named him a suspect in a case involving extortion and other illicit payments within the Tulungagung administration. (Antara/Darryl Ramadhan)

T

he country’s fight against corruption has gained new momentum following a wave of arrests targeting regional heads over the past few months. Since the beginning of the year, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has ensnared at least six regional leaders—regents and mayors—in sting operations.

High-profile politicians, such as Pati Regent Sudewo, Madiun Mayor Maidi, Pekalongan Regent Fadia Arafiq, and most recently Tulungagung Regent Gatut Sunu Wibowo, have been detained for alleged crimes ranging from bribery and extortion to procurement fraud. To date, the KPK has nabbed 11 regional heads elected in 2024, bringing the total number of arrested officials to over 430 since direct regional elections began in 2005.

While the bold moves reflect the KPK’s necessary resolve in fighting entrenched corruption, the recurring nature of the problem has reignited a critical national debate and requires careful watch from civil society, as the apparent success of law enforcement can mask insidious attempts to delegitimize direct elections as a product of democratic reforms.

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The consistent pattern of corruption among directly elected regional leaders has prompted high-level concern regarding the fundamental mechanism of local governance. Home Affairs Minister Tito Karnavian, for example, has openly questioned the efficacy of direct elections, noting the disconnect between democratic choice and leadership quality. Even President Prabowo Subianto has several times floated the idea of returning the mandate to elect regional leaders from the people to local legislatures for the sake of efficiency.

Tito suggested the recent arrests, which cut across various political lines and regions, indicate a “systemic problem”. This critique highlights the central political risk of the current anti-graft sweep: the arrests, while essential for accountability, provide powerful ammunition for arguments advocating an end to direct regional head elections.

Both the government and House of Representatives have denied any intention to reinstate indirect regional elections through revision of Law No. 6/2020. Nevertheless, civil society must remain vigilant against any narrative that uses the failure of individual, corrupt officials as justification to dismantle decentralization reforms.

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While these reforms have deepened democracy as they grant the people the right to choose their leaders, they have simultaneously opened new avenues for rent-seeking, particularly in procurement and licensing, creating systemic vulnerabilities in local governance.

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Arrests aren’t enough

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