M

ay is a good month for Indonesia for it commemorates three major national events. We rejoice in National Education Day on May 2 and National Awakening Day on May 20, but we mark rather than celebrate May 22, the launch date of political reforms toward democracy in 1998.

There is a very good reason for the somewhat muted celebration after 16 years: A series of tragic events preceded the downfall of strongman Soeharto after more than three decades in power. They have become the dark pages in the nation'€™s history because of our failure in explaining what really happened then.

No one person or institution has, to date, taken responsibility for them.

There was the fatal shooting of four Trisakti University students in Jakarta that emboldened the growing anti-Soeharto student movement, and there was the massive riots in Jakarta and other major cities that caused untold death and destruction.

There is no denying that Indonesia has come a long way to become a much more democratic nation, and for most, even more prosperous, thanks to the reforms pursued by elected governments under four different presidents. But none of them, from BJ Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati Soekarnoputri to Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, has been able to give closure on the tragic events of May 1998.

No wonder the ghosts of May 1998 are still with us, and they will always haunt us around this time of the year. Their relatives, friends and supporters are justifiably asking: If Indonesia is a democracy and a country ruled by law, then where is the justice?

One could only wish that our elected politicians would take up the human rights violation cases of May 1998 as doggedly as they are currently pursuing the Bank Century bailout scandal. Human-rights violations are certainly far more serious than banking corruption because they involve death, destruction and even widespread rape.

Sadly neither the House of Representatives nor the Attorney General'€™s Office (AGO) is interested in taking up the issue, even after a series of conclusive studies, first by the independent fact-finding commission that came up with the report in 1998, and later by a report by the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM). The commission report had been submitted at least four times, the last time in 2008, to the Attorney General, each time rejected.

The inquiry and the commission'€™s report raised questions about the failure of the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI), at the time including the police force, in establishing law and order as the nation'€™s capital was engulfed in widespread protests.

There were also reports of men with crew-cut hair styles organizing the rioters on the ground, raising various conspiracy theories about the involvement of the security apparatus. Most damaging perhaps to the military were the rumors of a rivalry within the leadership between ABRI chief Gen. Wiranto and Lt. Gen. Prabowo Subianto, then chief of the Army'€™s Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad).

Let'€™s put aside the fact that they have renewed their rivalry, this time in civilian clothing, as they vie for the presidency in this year'€™s election. The military and the government owe the nation an explanation about what happened in that tumultuous week of May 1998.

Who ordered the shooting of the Trisakti students? Who, if anyone, organized the ensuing widespread and destructive unrest in Jakarta and other cities? Where they part of a plot to end Soeharto'€™s rule, or were these isolated incidents that were beyond the control of the security apparatus? Who should be held responsible for these tragedies?

Elected politicians and the government seem to have taken the attitude of '€œlet bygones be bygones'€ and simply want the nation to move on. The AGO has also argued that the evidence was insufficient to build a case against anyone or institution.

The real reason of course is the absence of political will.

This much is clear from the reluctance of the government and all political parties to establish a special human rights court. In contrast, they were quick to agree to the establishment of a special court dealing with corruption.

When it comes to human rights violations, we are dealing with powerful figures and institutions. The culture of impunity is still with us, and unless we change our attitude, it will be around for much longer. Indeed, where is the justice?

The May 1998 tragedies will likely join other unexplained events at Indonesia'€™s important historical turning points, including the circumstances over the downfall of Sukarno and the rise of Soeharto. The ghosts of those massacred in the anti-communist campaign have recently come back to haunt us.

The national leadership would rather sweep them under the rug than take the trouble to investigate and resolve these cases. That also goes for the current president, but hopefully not for the next elected president, whoever that might be.

Indonesia cannot move forward in its march toward democracy and prosperity unless we resolve and give closure to these cases. We need to send the ghosts of the May 1998, and all others still demanding justice of us, to their eternal and lasting peace.